Article no.1 – Sexual Emancipation in Ireland A historical account and what the 33rd Dáil may bring.

Introduction

Contraception has been topical in Irish politics since the foundation of the Free State in 1922. However, it was not until second-wave feminists in the 1970s protested the neglectful state of contraception in Ireland did momentum gain. This article is a reflection piece on Irish feminists of the 1970s to present day, where Dáil debates and Oireachtas hearings still disempower women’s full sexual liberation and autonomy. In doing so, a narrative beginning with the Contraceptive Train in 1971 and ending with the 2024 General Elections will be illuminated. This path to reproductive rights has not been easy, nor is it over: this passage only accounts for a small insight to what is a large social and political agenda. Many political parties, including those on the far-right, have capitalised on the issue. Therefore, it is crucial to draw awareness to the cultural sensitivity of this matter. 

Ireland’s rich yet traumatic history with the Church plays no small role in this affair. While secularism remains on the national horizon, it is crucial to demonstrate the subtle manners in which the Church remains prominent in this debate. Therefore, to encompass the many aspects of this complex and nuanced phenomenon, this essay will first introduce the Contraceptive Train, the Eighth Amendment Referendum, and the National Sexual Health Strategy. It will then demonstrate their significance to the ongoing General Election. While feminism is deeply interwoven in this dissemination, it is crucial to note that this position denounces neoliberalism and will instead advocate for more profound and holistic feminist lenses. Overall, this article wishes to provide the landscape of reproduction in Ireland. While there is scope to provide in-depth comparisons within Europe, starting with the socially torn Emerald Isle is key to any further contrasting. 

Contraceptive Train

Firstly, sexual reproduction politics in Ireland would not be this advanced had it not been for the monumental movement of the Contraceptive Train. Birth control was made illegal in Ireland in 1935 under the Criminal Law Amendment Act. This early into the foundation of an independent state, Government control over reproduction was identified as a key concern. This pertains to the Catholic Church’s influence over government policymaking. Strict moral codes were imposed on the citizens of Ireland. Nell McCafferty was a central activist in this movement: she led on this campaign and has been remembered as a hero in Irish feminist politics (RTE, 1971). Despite the rapid globalisation of reproduction, Ireland was trailing behind and women’s sexual emancipation was virtually non-existent. In protest, McCafferty and other feminist advocates led a 49-woman group who would travel from Dublin to Belfast to bring home  contraception for the first time. Upon their return, they refused to hand over the pills — despite their purchases only being aspirin — demonstrating their bravery on the national front (Dukelow and Considine, 2017). Nell McCafferty would also go on to be named as the “ultimate Irish feminist” (Stokes, 2024). Lack of access to birth control further led to the foundation of the Irish Family Planning Association in 1969, where the Criminal Law Act was being confronted on another face (Dukelow and Considine, 2017).   Contraception was not legalised until years later in 1979 under the Family Planning Act. This first step in gaining sexual reproduction rights was critical in discussing further movements. Their activism, “agitation, and relentless advocacy” allows us “to get to a place where we could all breathe more freely” (Stokes, 2024). 

Abortion

Akin to contraception, abortion criminalisation had been a core issue in the early days of the Irish State. “In 1983, abortion, which had been illegal, was made unconstitutional. Two-thirds of the electorate voted in favour of making the necessary amendment to the constitution” (Inglis, 2002; p.7). The 1980s were described as a bleak decade for women as they were subject to unprecedented legal and social barriers. Abortion care regained significant media attention in 2012, when Savita Halappanavar, a woman 17 weeks pregnant and miscarrying, died from sepsis at Galway University Hospital (Dukelow and Considine, 2017). This sparked new debate around abortion, highlighting how outdated the Constitution had become, and resulted in a Citizen’s panel to be created and a referendum bill drafted. This bill would entirely repeal the 1983 Constitutional Amendment, also known as the Eighth Amendment, which equally “recognise[s] the life of the pregnant woman and the unborn” (Bardon, 2018). It was met by heated parliamentary debate and resulted in contention in the Oireachtas. It did eventually pass and in that national referendum a majority (66.4%) voted to repeal the Eighth Amendment in 2018 and to replace it with legislation developed by the Houses of the Oireachtas (Side, 2021). The Regulation of Termination of Pregnancy Act 2018 outlined that abortion care could be provided up to 12 weeks gestation under a plethora of circumstances. This referendum was welcomed by many, although nearly a third of voters still demonstrated a reluctance to introducing critical healthcare treatments in Ireland.

However, legalising abortion does not mark the end of this debate. A number of ‘Irish solutions’ are still in place. There is still a  three day consideration period, undermining the ability to be assertive in the decision to terminate pregnancy. Likewise, practitioners remain hesitant across the country to provide this service as fear of re-criminalisation remains prominent. Ireland also faces unequal geographical access:  there is a high concentration of abortion clinics in urban settings, leaving rural Ireland disadvantaged and sorely neglected. The NWCI (2022) states that half of Ireland’s counties have fewer than ten GPs offering abortion care, a shocking observation nearly four years after its introduction. 

Future Considerations

Having demonstrated the bleak path to reproductive freedom, this final passage hopes to shine light on the national optimism for a more reliable, life-long sexual healthcare program in Ireland. The first National Sexual Health Strategy was launched in 2015 and served as a five-year implementation plan for increased sexual well-being awareness, under the wider umbrella of the ‘Healthy Ireland – A Framework for Improved Health and Wellbeing 2013–2025’ strategy (Crowe, 2023). This plan has been the most robust action-based proposal thus far for the nation, committed to provisioning free contraception for women aged 17-35, free condoms distributed nationally through NGOs, and advocacy for more comprehensive sexual education. Likewise, additional commitments to tackling the rise of STIs and targeting vulnerable groups against sexual risks are prioritised across the strategy. While this strategic plan ends in 2021 and Ireland awaits its second rendition, this final section will outline concerns which should be prioritised and ironed out by the incoming Dáil Éireann. 

Firstly, policy considerations in this space must be more sensitive to knowledge and wealth disparities in those who are benefitting from the free contraceptive scheme. Research has demonstrated that economically disadvantaged women are less likely to experience the same sexual empowerment required to meaningfully access contraception and reproductive technology (Willie et al, 2017). Likewise, women with formal education are more likely to exhibit sexual autonomy than those without (Willie et al, 2017). Relying on the conclusions of Crowe’s (2023) independent review of the National Sexual Health Strategy from 2015 to 2020, there are several highlighted plans which could be further elaborated to improve sexual outcomes with women in Ireland. In particular, a new model for responding to crisis / unplanned pregnancies including counselling should be provisioned in a future strategy. According to the inquiry, the initial national health plan did not conclusively complete their mission to improve post-abortion counselling services, an aspect of sexual health care that has been repeatedly outlined as a key concern in Irish policymaking (NWCI, 2024; Crowe, 2023).  

Secondly, stronger consideration for personal choice and promotion of sexual autonomy is crucial in further national strategies. Neither ‘autonomy’, ‘self-efficacy’, nor ‘independence’ are mentioned in the scheme, highlighting an omission of consideration. Scholars conclude that “maintaining a sense of sexual autonomy is critically needed for healthy sexual development, building respectful sexual relationships, and reducing one’s risk of poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes” (Willie et al, 2017; p.2). Therefore, embracing and promoting sexual autonomy for young people is critical for reducing the likelihood of negative sexual outcomes, such as STDs or unplanned pregnancy. Using national frameworks to instil values of confidence and assertion in women regarding their contraception and sexual well-being is important to promote wider sexual empowerment.  

Finally, 35 million euros were promised in 2025 for the provision of expansive IVF treatment, alongside measures for women’s mental health provisions and HRT (NWCI, 2024). However, these remain relatively unstructured and unguided without the scaffolding of a national sexual health strategy. This budget will also continue the provision of free contraception for women aged 17 to 35 but does not aim to include additional resources. In terms of abortion access, research-based advocacy for the scrapping of the three-day wait is fundamental. Recognising and honouring the wish to terminate a pregnancy is imperative. To conclude, a holistic approach to sexual health care is in the imagination of the next Irish government and feminist national bodies such as the National Women’s Council should continue their action on this issue. 

Concluding Remarks

Overall, this article expresses a tone of optimism for reproductive advocacy in Ireland, reflecting on the efforts of protestors in previous generations. Situating the struggle for sexual emancipation in the context of a deeply Catholic State is critical as it positions Irish women in a restrictive and narrow-minded society. Both contraception and abortion advocacy have been pivotal in reshaping attitudes towards women’s healthcare. While the progressive and liberal Irish parties have seen enormous growth in 2024, including nearly double the number of Social Democrat and Labour Party seats, this essay is conscious of a quiet growth in conservative politics and a rise in so-called ‘traditionalist’ views. The position of this article is clear: there is still a considerable way to go to achieve sexual liberation for the women in Ireland. It is in the hands of the 33rd Dáil to progress sexual health both socially and through policy provision. 

References

Bardon, S. (2018, January 1). Abortion: The Facts | The Irish Times. The Irish Times. https://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/abortion-referendum/abortion-facts

Crowe. (2023). Ireland’s National Sexual Health Strategy reviewed | Crowe Ireland. Crowe. https://www.crowe.com/ie/news/56-priority-actions-identified-in-irelands-national-sexual-health-strategy

Dukelow, F., & Considine, M. (2017). Irish social policy : a critical introduction. Bristol Policy Press.

Evers, L. (2021). Halappanavar, Savita. Dictionary of Irish Biography. https://doi.org/10.3318/dib.010196.v1

Inglis, T. (2002). Sexual Transgression and Scapegoats: A Case Study from Modern Ireland. Sexualities, 5(1), 5–24. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460702005001001

‌NWCI. (2022). Half of counties in Ireland have less than 10 GPs offering abortion care. National Women’s Council of Ireland | NWCI.ie’. https://www.nwci.ie/learn/article/half_of_counties_in_ireland_have_less_than_10_gps_offering_abortion_care

‌NWCI. (2025). A Feminist Analysis of Budget 2025. National Women’s Council of Ireland | NWCI.ie’. https://www.nwci.ie/learn/publication/post_budget_analysis_a_feminist_analysis_of_budget_2025

RTE. (1971). The Contraceptive Train RTÉ Archives. https://www.rte.ie/archives/exhibitions/1666-women-and-society/370226-contraceptive-train/

Stokes, N. (2024, August 24). Nell McCafferty: A tribute to “The Ultimate Irish 

Feminist” [Review of Nell McCafferty: A tribute to “The Ultimate Irish Feminist”]. Hot Press; Hot Press. https://www.hotpress.com/opinion/nell-mccafferty-a-tribute-to-the-ultimate-irish-feminist-23045440 

‌Willie, T. C., Callands, T. A., Alexander, K. A., & Kershaw, T. (2023). Measuring women’s sexual autonomy: Development and preliminary validation of the women’s sexual autonomy scale. Women’s Health, 19. https://doi.org/10.1177/17455057231183837