The Eurovision Song Contest as platform for reproduction and negotiation of identities

Introduction

More than just a song competition, Eurovision has evolved into a unique platform where nations project curated images of themselves onto a global stage, often using representations of gender and sexuality as key instruments in this self-definition. This article delves into the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) as a space where national identity intertwines with evolving notions of “Europeanness” and the construction of “the West.” By examining crucial moments in Eurovision history, we will explore how performances have both reflected and shaped discourses surrounding gender and sexuality, revealing the complex interplay between belonging to a nation and reflecting the broader Western identity. From its post-war origins as a cultural bridge-builder to its contemporary role as a lightning rod for debates on inclusivity and national values, the ESC offers a compelling lens through which to understand the ever-shifting boundaries of identity in Europe and beyond.

The ESC as a cultural policy

The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) is an international association of national public-service broadcasters that was founded in 1950 by several European countries. It is not directly affiliated with any European political institution and, since its beginning, it almost immediately expanded its boundaries beyond what at the time was called the European Economic Community. Its membership can be granted to organisations set in countries that either are part of the Council of Europe or are within the European Broadcasting Area, but other countries can become associates, if they are part of the International Telecommunication Union (Bourdon, 2007).

The EBU was founded after the Second World War with the objective to implement a European cultural policy. A policy is a set of goal-oriented decisions made by a government or governmental actor, in this case the national public-service broadcasters. These decisions can translate into actions or non-actions, such as creating media that promote  European cultural unity. This is intended as a solution to a perceived public problem  – the disruption of Europe after the war– based on a causal hypothesis that  television was a valid and influential method to shape public consciousness (Bourdon, 2007), thereby establishing a link between the identified problem and the proposed solution (Howlett & Ramesh, 2003). In this regard, EBU’s main achievement was Eurovision, a system that enabled the simultaneous live broadcasting of programmes to different countries.

The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) is a television programme created in 1956, taking inspiration from the Italian Sanremo Music Festival. The ESC’s success was immediate but not homogenous. In some instances, its success was influenced by the national musical landscape – which in some countries was already saturated– by the local taste in music, and by specific format choices, such as employing subtitles to translate what the hosts are saying rather than introducing a national commentator. Besides, because the promotion of the ESC was seen as a demonstration of fondness towards Europe, the programme was especially successful in the periphery of Europe, where the countries felt the need to demonstrate to be worthy of being part of the West (Bourdon, 2007).

Cultural policies, when creating an ideal that is inspiring and desirable, can have an effect both outside and inside the borders. In the former case, it can become an asset in international relations as a form of “soft power”, described as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments” (Nye, 2004, p. X). It derives from the ability to shape other people’s preferences via the attractiveness of a country’s culture, ideals, and policies (Nye, 2004). Regarding the latter case, European cultural policies must deal with an irresolvable and paradoxical tension between the post-national principles of unity and plurality. The various attempts to foster a sense of belonging, both by the European Union and by the ESC, center a delicate balancing between uniting disparate identities on a shared foundation –  based on the Christian heritage, the classical civilisations, and the values of the Enlightenment – and simultaneously celebrating the very differences that fueled the devastating conflicts of the two World Wars (Stychin, 2011).

Pop culture is a fundamental instrument for both developing a soft power and creating an internal sense of belonging. Not only it is a unique resource for creating dynamics of inclusion/exclusion from the public sphere, but also it strengthens/defies the fundamental institutions and norms of a society. Consequently, the ESC can be a platform for the performance of “Europeanness” and the taming of the Other, meant both in reference to racial and ethnic identities, and to sexual and gender identities. In the first case, peripheral countries try to look sufficiently exotic to be interesting and project a sense of successful multiculturalism but also be sufficiently assimilable to the hegemonic culture in order not to pose a threat. In the second case, the acceptance and respect of the LGBTQ+ community can be one of the hegemonic standards by which the Other is judged, but also the LGBTQ+ community itself represents a form of otherness that needs to be assimilated (Stychin, 2011). 

This dynamic is part of the phenomenon of “homonationalism”, which 

refers to a phenomenon whereby a nation-state incorporated some LGBT subjects, while at the same time repudiating others, thus marking the boundaries of national belonging. Thus, it is a combination of national inclusion and exclusion processes anchored in the logics of neoliberal assimilation and accumulation. (Hartal & Sasson-Levy, 2002, p.2)

While a comprehensive discussion of the homonormativity underpinning homonationalism, its reliance on a gender hierarchy and hegemonic masculinity inaccessible to many queer individuals, and the ESC’s own reproduction of this normativity is beyond the scope of this article, it is crucial to acknowledge these dynamics. The relation between the ESC and its queer fandom is complex and multifaceted, and it revolves around the mainstream exposure of kitsch and camp aesthetics. On one hand, it allows fans to engage with gay culture in a public space in a way that is not centred on sex practices but rather on the socio-cultural construct of gay and queer sexuality. On the other hand, it detaches queer culture from the queer community, comprising a kaleidoscope of different experiences, favouring mostly the taste of white cis elite gay men (Halliwell, 2018). To further the topic of homonationalism and pinkwashing , I suggest reading the article by the colleague Vera Vera Rodríguez Corcho “LGBTQ+ Rights as a Geopolitical Weapon” (https://esthinktank.com/2025/03/28/lgbtq-rights-as-a-geopolitical-weapon/).

Examples of the ESC as a platform of negotiation for sexual and national citizenship

The edition of 1998 is considered the ESC’s “coming out” thanks to the participation and victory of Dana International, a trans Israeli singer. While up to that moment the ESC seemed to be unaware of its extensive gay fandom, since then it started championing diversity and inclusion, also regarding gender and sexuality. It started to explicitly support gay rights, and human rights in general as framed by the western conceptualisation (Halliwell, 2018). It became “a stage for the negotiation of progress in terms of sexual citizenship anchored in liberalization and Western vs. Eastern/post-Soviet agendas (and later Western vs. Islamic […])” (Hartal & Sasson-Levy, 2002, p.10)

The former Soviet Bloc

During the 2003 Eurovision Song Contest in Riga, Latvia, Russia sent the duo t.A.T.u., who ultimately ranked in the third place with the song “Ne ver’, ne bojsja”. Already popular in the West, their selection signaled the seriousness of Russia’s approach to this edition, with a determination that arguably transcended a simple desire for assimilation. t.A.T.u. was a manufactured project involving two teenage girls casted by a talent scout who reportedly sought to capitalize on a perceived market gap for underage, illicit homoeroticism. While in Russia their manufactured relationship was widely known and was not particularly discussed, in the English-speaking world their reputation was much more divisive. On one hand, some praised them as champions of gay rights; on the other hand, their flaunted (albeit fabricated) lesbianism, their sexually explicit performances despite the very young age, and their past anti-Iraq War statements caused them to be frowned upon and even banned by some Western channels (Heller, 2007). Therefore, Russia’s motive in selecting this duo as entry for the ESC seemed to be to expose the hypocrisy and “mock the presumed cultural hegemony of the West, as well as the social and spiritual health of the countries that sought to sanitise the teen’s group’s image” (Heller, 2007, p.198). 

A different attitude was exhibited by Verka Serduchka, drag persona of Andriy Mykhailovych Danylko, who represented Ukraine in the 2007 Eurovision Song Contest, held in Helsinki (Finland), and ranked in the second place with the song “Dancing Lasha Tumbai”. This song became an instant classic of “trash” Eurodance and gained popularity thanks to its camp performance and music video, and its vague almost nonsensical lyrics (Halliwell, 2018). This song “was an attempt to distance Ukraine from Soviet Russian political ties (the words Lasha Tumbai were interpreted as ‘Russia Goodbye’) and towards (Western) European integration” (Halliwell, 2018, p.114). 

The Middle East

Israel is one of the two countries of the Middle East to have participated in the ESC, the other being Turkey. During the 1998 Eurovision Song Contest, held in Birmingham (United Kingdom), the Israeli entry, a trans singer named Dana International, won the contest with her song “Diva”, marking a significant moment. For the ESC itself it was a “coming out” that determined future aesthetics and contents of the contest (Halliwell, 2018), while for Israel it meant the reimagining of the country as a secular, progressive and liberal nation. For the Israeli queer community this felt as a meaningful endorsement in a country where homosexuality was decriminalised only ten years prior, in 1988 (Stychin, 2011). This win marked a turning point, not only for the ESC but also in how Israel was perceived internationally. 

More recently, Israel won again the 2008 Eurovision Song Contest, held in Lisbon (Portugal), with the song “Toy” sung by Netta and, consequently, the following year the ESC was held in Tel Aviv. Hosting the ESC is a great opportunity to display all the country’s attractiveness that, in this context, consists in perceived modernity and progressiveness mixed with elements of cultural uniqueness, which make it a comfortable but interesting destination for tourism and, in particular, gay friendly tourism. In Israel, where a hierarchy persists between Ashkenazi Jews (of European descent) and Mizrahi Jews (of Middle Eastern and North African descent), the politics of sexuality are further complicated by the politics of race. On one hand, Mizrahim are considered as holders of an alleged backwardness that is seen as incompatible with LGBTQ+ rights; on the other hand, their culture is essential in the process of self-orientalisation that was the core of the marketing campaign for the ESC 2009 (Hartal & Sasson-Levy, 2022). 

In addition, this edition of the contest was also characterised by protests, like the case of Bilal Hassani, the French entry whose participation to the contest was critiqued on more fronts. With him being a Muslim gay man, representatives of the French far-right stated that he was ill fitted to represent the values of the country, and pro-BDS activists expected him to take a strong stance and boycott Israel refusing to participate in the event (Hartal & Sasson-Levy, 2002). 

Western Europe

Austria won the 2014 Eurovision Song Contest, held in Copenhagen (Denmark), thanks to the drag performer Conchita Wurst who sang “Rise like a phoenix”. This performance aroused many homophobic protests in Austria and as many protests also abroad, in particular from Russia, that tried to withdraw from the contest, and Belarus, that asked not to air her exhibition, which is against the EBU’s rules. Russian statements reaffirmed the spiritual decay of the West, and Western commentators stressed how these were proof of the Eastern backwardness with respect to the West (Luhn, 2014).

Nevertheless, Conchita won largely because of the popular votes received from Eastern countries. The year after, Austria hosted an ESC admittedly very family friendly, with more conventional and buttoned up performances, which is just one example of the phenomenon of “de-queerezation” that come countries implemented after having been in the spotlight because of a particularly subversive genderbending performance (Šentevska, 2023).

Conclusion

The examples reported, chosen between many that would have been interesting analyses, have been selected due to their relevance in relation to contemporary events. Nonetheless, this discussion, although anything but comprehensive, shows how the Eurovision Song Contest is a platform precisely meant to enable the construction of “Europeanness”. On this platform cultural policies and communication strategies intertwine with forms of self-expression and identity negotiation. “Eurovision notoriously mingles kitsch and geopolitics as it annually constructs the collective memory of European cooperation while dramatising the impossibility of escaping the borders and boundaries of nation and culture, gender and sexuality, self and other” (Heller, 2007, p.199).

Sources

Bourdon, J. (2007). Unhappy Engineers of the European Soul. International Communication Gazette, 69(3), 263–280. https://doi.org/10.1177/1748048507076580

Halliwell, J. (2018). ‘All Kinds of Everything’? Queer Visibility in Online and Offline Eurovision Fandom. Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture, 13(2), 113–120. https://doi.org/10.16997/wpcc.289

Hartal, G.; Sasson-Levy, O. (2022). Failing Homonationalism? Gay Israeli Eurovision Geeks Negotiating Nationalism and Masculinity. Journal of Homosexuality, 70(8), 1585–1608. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2022.2038967

Heller, D. (2007). t.A.T.u. You! Russia, the global politics of Eurovision, and lesbian pop. Popular Music, 26(2), 195–210. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0261143007001237 

Howlett, M., Ramesh, M. (2003). Studying Public Policy. Policy Cycles and Policy Subsystems. Oxford University Press. 

Nye, J. S. jr. (2004). Soft Power. The means to success in world politics. PubblicAffairs.

Šentevska, I. (2023). Queer Celebrity: Marija Šerifović and National vs. Sexual Identity. Zeszyty Łużyckie, 59(1), 105-128.

Stychin, C. F. (2011). Unity in Diversity: European Citizenship Through the Lens of Popular Culture. Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice, 29(1), 1-25. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1906714 

Luhn, A. (2014, April 30). Russian politician condemns Eurovision as ‘Europe-wide gay parade’. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/30/russia-boycott-eurovision-gay-parade