The Rise of the Right: The Threat Right-Wing Extremism Poses to Women and Feminist Efforts in Germany

Abstract: This article examines the broader implications of femonationalism, a phenomenon whereby nationalist parties co-opt feminist rhetoric to promote xenophobic policies. The analysis highlights how these positions undermine feminist efforts, marginalise diverse groups of women, and the impact of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)’s political agenda on women’s rights and feminist movements in Germany is explored. For instance, the party’s stance on Muslim women wearing headscarves is assessed through a gendered lens; the AFD’s anti-immigration and Islamophobic political agenda is, in part, fuelled by advocacy for traditional gender roles. To conclude, the importance of including intersectionality in the approach of feminism and women’s rights, as well as the analysis of these political stunts, is considered in order to highlight the very real threat it poses to women and feminism. 

1. The Backhanded Utilisation of Feminism by Right-Wing Political Parties

Farris describes the phenomenon of femonationalism as the exploitation of feminist themes to advance nationalist and xenophobic objectives, in turn effectively marginalising both immigrant communities and feminist movements that advocate for a more inclusive understanding of women’s rights. She observed this phenomenon for the first time in her 2012 article “Femonationalism and the ‘Regular’ Army of Labor Called Migrant Women” in the policies of Italy, the Netherlands, and France. These countries’ right populist parties position themselves in a manner to seem “culturally superior” to the “culturally inferior” nations that fail to protect and advance women’s rights. This utilisation, however, is harming feminism, which in its true form ought to be intersectional and inclusive, instead of exclusive, nationalist, and neoliberal. Feminism, as both a political movement and philosophy, cannot be portrayed in a homogenous way (Möser, 2022). However, white, neoliberal feminism comes close to Farris’ main supposition: White European “feminists” propel Muslim and non-Western migrant women into the care work they want to liberate themselves from (Farris, 2012).

This paradox illustrates how neoliberal or white feminism often focuses solely on individual empowerment, overlooking systemic inequalities and structural racism. By weaponising women’s rights against migrant communities, nationalist movements simultaneously claim to defend women’s liberties while reinforcing hierarchies of race, ethnicity, and culture. In this framework, the notion of “saving” Muslim women becomes an ideological tool while actually rendering them voiceless and elevating white European women as the moral judges of modernity and gender equality. This instrumentalisation not only dilutes feminist agendas but also creates new barriers for solidarity between women of different ethnic, cultural, and racial backgrounds.

2. AfD’s Advocacy for Traditional Gender Roles

The resurgence of right-wing populism in Germany, epitomised by the rise of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), has significant implications for women’s rights and feminist movements. The AfD’s promotion of traditional gender roles and its instrumentalisation of feminist rhetoric to advance xenophobic agendas threaten to reverse progress towards gender equality and inclusivity.

Central to the AfD’s platform is a call for a return to traditional gender roles, emphasising women’s roles as mothers and homemakers (Afd, 2025). This stance is evident in their policy documents and public statements, which idealise a family structure reminiscent of the “Kinder, Küche, Kirche” (children, kitchen, church) ideology. They believe in the naturally and biologically predestined difference between men and women and claim their equality has already been achieved (Sprengholz, 2021). The AfD’s post-feminist rhetoric thereby delegitimises ongoing feminist struggles and obscures persistent inequalities (Sprengholz, 2021). Often, right-wing actors construct a narrative in which feminism has “gone too far” and feminists are labelled “too woke” allowing them to reassert traditional gender hierarchies under the pretext of restoring balance (Möser, 2022). Such perspectives not only undermine women’s autonomy but also conflict with contemporary feminist efforts advocating for gender equality in all spheres of life. By promoting a nostalgic view of gender roles, the AfD seek to relegate women to the private sphere, thereby limiting their participation in the workforce and public life (Siri, 2016).

The AfD’s gender politics are rooted in conservative, anti-feminist positions, opposing gender mainstreaming and equality policies. They argue that such initiatives threaten traditional family structures and societal stability. This perspective aligns with broader right-wing movements that view feminism as a destabilising force against traditional values (Siri, 2016).

These positions are not merely symbolic; they translate into active efforts to roll back rights. For example, the AfD has repeatedly criticised the Gender Equality Strategy of the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth, claiming it undermines “natural” family dynamics and that mothers belong with their children (Sprengholz, 2021). Such rhetoric not only dismisses decades of feminist work but also poses a risk of legitimising discriminatory policies within mainstream governance. It also fuels societal narratives that pit “real German families” against so-called “liberal elites,” reinforcing exclusionary nationalist ideals.

3. Instrumentalising Feminism for Xenophobic Agendas

The AfD goes further in their abuse of feminist rhetoric, specifically to justify their anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim policies. By portraying Muslim women as oppressed due to practices like wearing headscarves and practising Islam, the AfD positions itself as a defender of women’s rights while simultaneously promoting Islamophobic sentiments. This approach not only misrepresents the agency of Muslim women and victimises them in their own culture, religion, and interpersonal relationships, but also displays an entire religion as a threat to German values and liberties. Furthermore, it diverts attention from systemic issues of gender inequality within German society. For instance, AfD politicians have called feminists “women’s-pseudo-liberators”, “ugly and dreadful”, and deny the gender pay gap (Sprengholz, 2021). This merely scratches the surface, but nonetheless distinctly underscores that feminism is merely a tool used by the AfD to promote their conservative and xenophobic agenda.

This tactic is not unique to Germany; similar strategies have been observed in other European countries where right-wing parties adopt feminist language to mask xenophobic policies. By exploiting genuine concerns about women’s rights, these parties garner support for agendas that ultimately harm marginalised groups, including immigrants and LGBTQ+ individuals. This co-optation creates divisions within feminist movements and redirects focus from systemic gender inequalities to culturalist explanations that stigmatise minority communities (Farris, 2017).

Moreover, by claiming to defend “liberated” women from the “backwardness” of Islam and “protecting” them from the “violent Muslim man”, the AfD promotes a hierarchical and racist model of civilisation. This produces a binary between the “modern” West and the “oppressive” East, flattening the diversity within Muslim communities and ignoring structural issues like domestic violence, wage gaps, and reproductive rights violations that persist in Western societies. This hypocrisy underscores how the AfD manipulates feminist language not for liberation, but for stigmatisation and exclusion.

4. Impact on Muslim Women and Intersectional Feminism

The AfD’s portrayal of Muslim women who wear headscarves as inherently oppressed serves to justify policies that restrict their freedoms, such as headscarf bans in public institutions. These policies not only violate individual rights but also perpetuate stereotypes that hinder the integration and acceptance of Muslim women in German society. By framing the headscarf as a symbol of oppression, the AfD disregards the voices of Muslim women who choose to wear it as an expression of their identity and faith (Human Rights Watch, 2009). This approach undermines the principles of intersectional feminism, which seeks to address the multifaceted experiences of women facing overlapping forms of discrimination. Instead, the deployment of femonationalism allows for racism and xenophobia to thrive once more and emboldens discriminatory state and social practices as feminism is instrumentalised by nationalists to push an Islamophobic agenda.

In addition, headscarf bans often have material consequences—pushing Muslim women out of employment, education, and public life, thus reinforcing cycles of economic dependency and marginalisation (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Intersectional feminism demands that these systemic effects be central to feminist analysis, as they reveal how race, religion, and class intersect to shape women’s experiences. Feminist resistance to such policies must therefore be grounded not only in abstract principles of equality but also in lived realities and coalition-building with affected communities.

5. Femonationalism and Its Broader Implications

Femonationalism extends beyond the AfD, reflecting a broader trend in Europe where right-wing parties adopt feminist language to mask xenophobic policies. For instance, the Italian far-right party Fratelli d’Italia similarly appropriates gender equality narratives to fuel nationalist and anti-immigration discourse (Colella, 2021). This strategy exploits genuine concerns about women’s rights to garner support for agendas that ultimately harm marginalised groups. By co-opting feminist discourse, these parties create divisions within feminist movements and redirect focus from systemic gender inequalities to culturalist explanations that stigmatise minority communities (Farris, 2017).

This phenomenon has been observed in various European contexts, where right-wing parties instrumentalise gender equality narratives to justify restrictive immigration policies. By framing immigrant cultures as inherently sexist and oppressive, these parties position themselves as protectors of women’s rights, while simultaneously implementing policies that are detrimental to both women’s rights and immigrant communities (Farris, 2017).

Moreover, such narratives are often legitimised in mainstream political discourse, particularly during moments of national crisis or migration influx. For instance, after the 2015-2016 refugee movement into Europe, several far-right parties, including the AfD, began drawing direct correlations between immigration and sexual violence, using highly publicised incidents to frame immigrants as cultural threats to European women (Middle East Eye, 2016). These narratives ignored the broader societal context of violence against women and selectively used gender-based violence as a political weapon rather than a systemic issue deserving of holistic policy reform.

6. Conclusion

The AfD’s promotion of traditional gender roles and its instrumentalisation of feminist rhetoric for xenophobic purposes pose significant threats to women’s rights and feminist efforts in Germany. By advocating for a return to outdated gender norms and marginalising minority groups under the guise of defending women’s rights, the AfD undermines the progress made towards gender equality and inclusivity. It is imperative for feminist movements to critically engage with and challenge these narratives, emphasising an intersectional approach that recognises and addresses the diverse experiences of all women. Only through solidarity and inclusive activism can feminism resist being weaponised for exclusionary political goals.

References

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