The Silent Genocide: Sudan’s Forgotten Crisis

Introduction

According to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, genocide is defined as “any acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group”. The actions of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in West Darfur against Sudanese civilians fits this definition. Through a silent genocide hidden in a conflict that started nearly two years ago,  it has taken more than 14,000 lives and displaced more than 10 million civilians. Despite this situation, no impactful international intervention has taken place. The silence towards this crisis must be analysed both in terms of domestic efforts as well as international negligence and the failure of the 2005 UN Right to Protect (R2P) doctrine. This is in order to understand how a conflict developed into a genocide and humanitarian crisis, that today, seems far from being over.

Sudan’s Political and Historical context

Under the British occupation of Sudan between 1899 and 1956, the Arab north was favoured with investment, modernisation and liberalisation policies. Meanwhile, the south was marginalised from this development, creating grievances that would ultimately lead to a civil war that lasted from 1955 until 1977 between North and South. The conflict relapsed in 1983 but finally ended in 2005 with a Comprehensive Peace Agreement that served to implement Southern autonomy, laying the ground for independence in 2011 (K. Searcy, 2019). 

When South Sudan separated, Sudan began to suffer economic collapse as the oil fields, upon which it was economically dependent, were mainly in South Sudan. This led to an internal crisis that shifted the focus from fighting the south to an internal competition for power and resources (Hudson and Strucke, 2025). 

From 2003 to 2005, some non-Arab rebel groups in Darfur waged war against the Sudanese government, claiming to fight against underdevelopment and marginalisation (UN, 2023). This resulted in an escalation of tensions whereby the Sudanese government, headed by Omar al-Bashir, along with their proxy militia Janjaweed, created a spiral of violence targeting non-Arab communities in Darfur. It resulted in more than 300,000 deaths and millions displaced, actions that were later recognised as ethnic cleansing and genocide (US Holocaust Memorial Museum, n.d).  

In 2008, the International Court of Justice requested an arrest warrant for President al-Bashir, although it was suspended in 2014 because of lack of enforcement by international actors (US Holocaust Memorial Museum, n.d). A ceasefire was negotiated in 2010, but it was highly ineffective, and the lack of international response allowed for the continued repression led by al-Bashir through the creation of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in 2013. This group was a paramilitary force that was under control by the Sudanese National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) and that was used to repress the southern regions with practices like crop destruction or intimidation (K. Searcy, 2019).

Under the Bush administration, the Darfur Peace and Accountability Act of 2006 was signed in order to provide aid to the victims of the genocide, and economic sanctions were imposed to the Sudanese Government, restricting it from economic relations with the United States (Office of Foreign Assets Control, 2007). Nevertheless, in 2017 the sanctions against Sudan were lifted by the US Trump administration, increasing financial and trade cooperation between both countries. 

Despite this, the poverty and lack of resources only worsened, resulting in public discontent, rising prices and ultimately protests for a change of regime (K. Searcy,  2019). Non-violent protests culminated in a coup d’état led by Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan that deposed Omar al-Bashir after 30 years of power, opening a path towards future democratisation. However, in October 2021, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), charged with the transition, seized power and fueled tensions with the RSF, creating instability which triggered a civil war that erupted in April, 2023 (Khalaf Allah & Doleeb, 2023).

A hidden genocide inside a civil war

Since the war began, almost 150,000 people have been killed, 10.7 million have been internally displaced and half of the population (25.6 million people) are facing acute hunger (Access Now, 2024). Incidents of violence across the country are on the rise with accusations of genocide in West Darfur by RSF forces. More than sixty-eight villages have been set on fire and there has been evidence of sexual violence, looting and killings in areas controlled by RSF as stated by UN envoy in Sudan, Volker Perthes (B. Ochieng and W. Chibelushi, 2024).

As in the Darfur genocide, the Massalit people and other non-Arab communities are being targeted. The 2023 massacre in El Geneina illustrates the extent of violence towards these groups. On June 15, a convoy of civilians who were being escorted by the Massalit resistance in an attempt to flee, were rounded up and attacked by the RSF. (Human Rights Watch, 2025). A humanitarian worker told CNN that more than 1000 people died that day, some being shot directly, others drowning in the river trying to escape and those who were captured, executed in cold blood (Qiblawi et al., 2023). 

One of the worst consequences of the action taken towards these non-Arab communities, but that has ultimately affected nearly half of Sudan’s population, has been the lack of available resources and food due to the destruction of their territory, constant displacement, and recurrent looting by rebel forces. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) Advocacy Manager in Sudan, Mathilde Vu, stressed the alarming hunger crisis as more than half of the population are experiencing dangerous levels of famine, while the refugees in neighboring countries struggle to eat daily. “When it’s not bullets, it’s hunger that kills” said Mathilde Wu after describing the nearly two years of war as “months of uninterrupted violence and spiraling humanitarian crisis”. (Høvring R., 2024). According to the International Rescue Committee, Sudan sits on the top of the list of countries experiencing humanitarian crises as 30.4 million people are in humanitarian need (IRC, 2025).

Whilst many genocidal acts have been committed in West Darfur, fighting has centred around gaining control of the cities. This has been a main trigger for civilian displacement and has had the knock-on effect of reducing accessibility to humanitarian aid for civilians and victims of the conflict. The city of Wad Madani was used as a main hub for humanitarian services and to shelter refugees escaping the conflict but was captured in December 2023 by RSF (B. Ochieng and W. Chibelushi, 2024), displacing thousands of civilians and therefore restricting access to aid. Similarly, the capital Khartoum is under the control of the RSF, but with SAF retaking some territory this past weeks.

International silence and media control

Sudanese citizens have repeatedly expressed the feeling that their suffering has been neglected by the international community. In an interview with NPR, a Sudanese doctor said “they forget about us, it’s a forgotten war” (Akinwotu, E., 2024). Humanitarian groups have been issuing warnings since the beginning of the conflict, pointing to the international community and international bodies like the UN to take action. Whilst the UN’s 2005 Right to Protect (R2P) doctrine states that the international community has a responsibility to to halt the mass atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity (UN, n.d), in the case of Sudan, Amnesty International has condemned the international response to the ongoing crisis as “woefully inadequate” (B. Ochieng and W. Chibelushi, 2024).

After attempts by the United States and Saudi Arabia to negotiate a ceasefire in May 2023 failed, and the UN envoy Volker Perthes was made persona non grata by the Sudanese government, the conflict spiraled out of control. Some minor sanctions were enforced by the Biden Administration on Sudan with visa restrictions promoting accountability for SAF and RSF leadership (Center for Prevention, 2024). Despite ceasefire talks between RSF and SAF resuming in October 2023, fighting went on during negotiations with both sides refusing facilitation of humanitarian assistance (Center for Prevention, 2024).

Aid from external actors has complicated the process of peace. There are allegations of Iran helping the SAF through drones, and of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates using the conflict as a political tool against one another, with each side supporting RSF and SAF respectively (Mohammad, T., 2023).

One year after the war started, the international community gathered in Paris, where a conference was held to address the Sudan crisis. The EU highlighted the solidarity and support towards the Sudanese people, denouncing the atrocities committed by both sides and pledging to make sure that those responsible would be prosecuted and made accountable (ReliefWeb, 2024). The conference helped to pledge over €2 billion in humanitarian aid, a poor contribution given the magnitude of the crisis. 

A major issue  that has caused  the Sudan conflict to be forgotten is the damage inflicted to telecommunications infrastructure by SAF, but especially RSF. This has contributed to a blackout that has prevented humanitarian coordination and facilitated the committing of atrocities by increasing chances for anonymity and impunity (Access Now, 2024). As well as  keeping the country isolated from the international community, the warring parties are weaponizing communications to manipulate information and use hate speech online to polarise communities. The UN reported that the RSF used online platforms to justify  targeted killings in Darfur (U.S. Department of State., 2023)

One step forward, two steps back

Nearly entering the second anniversary of the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian organisations are calling for more international intervention and accountability for human rights violations in Sudan. A major step has been taken by the US administration with Secretary of State Antony Blinken acknowledging in January that “members of the SAF and the RSF had committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing” (Blinken. A, 2025). He also promised $30 million to support Sudanese civil society actors, although these are insufficient funds to make a difference on ground. What will be done under the Trump administration remains uncertain.  However, given that both generals in Sudan praised Trump’s reelection, and given that Trump has economic interests in the main providers of military support in Sudan, the commitment of US aid is in danger (Mohammed Salih Z. 2025).

The African Union has employed different diplomatic mechanisms to solve the conflict, however both sides are refusing mediation and seeking total victory. On February 11, 2025, a high-level panel discussion on Sudan was held by the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) platform urging for the coordination of efforts among the actors involved in peace processes and reiterating the need for dialogue and pointing to the resolution by military means (helped by external funding) instead of a negotiated settlement (African Union, 2025).

As international assistance is lacking, local assistance groups like Emergency Response Rooms (ERR) are the ones offering humanitarian aid through networks of community kitchens, free clinics and evacuation and protection zones. Besides helping to mitigate the humanitarian crisis, these organised civilians are forming pro-resistance committees that aim for a democratic and peaceful transition of Sudan. Local solidarity is what’s keeping Sudan alive, but without resources and increased violence along the main population hubs, it’s getting harder not to fall under the arms of violence. What’s more, both SAF and RSF are managing to recruit Sudan’s youth and hampering the work done by the ERR. (Khair, K., 2024)

Conclusion

The ongoing crisis in Sudan, particularly in West Darfur, serves as a reminder of the international community’s failure to prevent genocidal violence. The targeted attacks against the Massalit and other non-Arab communities by the RSF demonstrate a deliberate attempt at ethnic cleansing. Despite alarming death tolls, widespread displacement, and severe humanitarian needs, global responses have been inadequate, reflecting a broader failure of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework. To prevent further atrocities, a coordinated global effort is urgently needed, emphasising accountability, humanitarian aid, and collaboration with local groups like ERR that are aiming for a peaceful transition of Sudan towards democracy. Without decisive action, Sudan risks descending further into chaos, leaving millions vulnerable and perpetuating a silent genocide.

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