Green Capitalism and the Green Deal: a Focus on Indigenous Women

Abstract

Strategies for the fight against climate change are becoming a fundamental part of EU regulation. The pressing need for innovative, sustainable practices is being addressed by ambitious regulations such as the European Green Deal (EGD), which aims to develop a climate neutral Europe. While a radical change in energy production is crucial to limit the effects of climate change, the way Europe has been trying to replace its unsustainable practices is not devoid of consequences. The so-called “green capitalist” approach to sustainability that is enacted by Western nations is deeply connected with extractivist and neo-colonialist practices, and is thus the cause for deeply negative effects on the Global South, especially for already marginalised groups such as indigenous women. This paper aims to analyse these consequences, with the employment of a decolonial feminist perspective. The findings highlight the need to take into consideration the structural nature of inequality to avoid the risk of reiterating asymmetries of power. In addition, legislation should grant more space to the self-determination of indigenous people, especially women, striving to develop equal partnerships. 

Index

• Introduction: climate change on women and local communities
• Legislative framework
• Empirical cases: neocolonialist practices by the EU and its member states 
• Climate refugees 
• Conclusions and alternative practices

1. Introduction: climate change on women and local communities 

Given the intense acceleration of climate change in the past decades, it seems important to note that the current climate crisis is unfolding within a profoundly unequal dynamic. Marginalized populations are suffering from the environmental, social, economic and cultural consequences of climate change: in particular indigenous and poor populations are the first victims (Burgart Goutal, 2020; Charbonnier, 2022; Huillard, 2024; Kirk, 1997; Laugier et al., 2015). As over 80 percent of the world’s biodiversity is under the care of indigenous peoples, these populations – who contribute only slightly to the ecosystems’ degradation – are therefore particularly at risk when it comes to accelerating environmental crises (Bhattachan et al., 2020; Silva Satisteban et al., 2020; Whyte, 2014; World Bank, 2022). Notably, rising temperatures, extreme weather events and deadly and devastating natural disasters, desertification of territories, as well as deforestation, are disrupting the local ecosystems on which indigenous communities depend for their survival. But by intensifying resource scarcity, making territories difficult for local communities to exploit, and fostering unstable situations of vulnerability and violence, climate change has particularly harmful effects for women, who suffer more dramatically, systemically and globally (Burgart Goutal, 2020; Gaard & Gruen, 1993; Huillard, 2024).

“Women have been the custodians of biodiversity in most cultures. (…) (They) produce, reproduce, consume and conserve biodiversity in agriculture.” (Shiva, 1992, p.210). Hence when that biodiversity is threatened, women are at the forefront of that crisis. The reason why women are disproportionately affected by the dramatic effects of climate change is that they are generally responsible for providing food, water and energy to their households and communities. Extreme and unpredictable weather and natural disasters generate food insecurity, land degradation and a consequent decline in the health of the local population. These conditions foster heightened vulnerability and violence, sometimes even leading to forced migration, where women are disproportionately affected and often find themselves  in the front line (Bhattachan et al., 2020; IUCN, 2022; Silva Satisteban et al., 2020). Poorly represented in the field of public policy (Alook & Bidder, 2022; IUCN, 2022; Silva Santisteban et al., 2020), not recognized for their in-depth knowledge of care and nature, women  are therefore particularly vulnerable and suffer from the effects of climate change even more than others. But it also means that women – and all the more so indigenous women – are often at the forefront of the fight against climate change (Bhattachan et al., 2020; Silva Satisteban et al., 2020; Whyte, 2014; World Bank, 2022). Ecofeminism was indeed born out of this type of struggle in the 1970s and 1980s, when the destinies of women and nature intersected, and feminist and environmentalist struggles were brought together (Merchant, 1996).

In order to limit and mitigate the effects of the environmental crisis, European governments are attempting to implement measures to combat climate change, such as the Green Deal (EGD). However, these policies often carry unintended negative consequences for local populations, particularly women. The aim of this article is therefore to explore the challenges posed by green capitalism and European-led environmentalist initiatives, advocating for more sustainable alternatives that respect local communities, by decolonizing European climate change mitigation policies and promoting a just and resilient social and environmental transition.

2. The European Green Deal

The European Green Deal (EGD) is a comprehensive policy framework aimed at transforming European and global economies to become more competitive and resource-efficient (European Commission, n.d.-b). It includes agreements and policy initiatives related to various economic sectors, with a central goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 55 percent compared to 1990 until 2030. By 2050, Europe is supposed to become climate neutral, meaning emission-free (European Commission, n.d.-b). The EGD is the European Commission’s (EC) response to critical challenges such as  climate change and environmental degradation, which have been described as an “existential threat to Europe and the world” (European Commission, n.d.-b). Moreover, the deal is supposed to mitigate the negative economic effects of the Covid-19 pandemic by fostering sustainable recovery and growth.

The proposal for the EGD was developed by a task force around the Dutch politician Frans Timmermans, who had been appointed Executive Vice President of the EC for the EGD (Vela Almeida et al., 2023, p.2). Timmermans’ team presented the proposal to the European Parliament as a communication in 2019. On January 15, 2020, the parliament adopted the deal as a Joint Resolution. The Left and the European Conservatives and Reformists Group coalition voted against the resolution, which reached the necessary majority, nonetheless. While the EGD itself is technically not legally binding, the legislation enacted by individual member states based on its framework is (Vela Almeida et al., 2023, p.2).

The EGD includes policies related to the energy transition, industrial reform, mobility, agriculture, biodiversity, pollution, and global cooperation (European Commission, n.d.-a). For example, in terms of transport, all new vehicles will have to be emission-free starting from 2035. Additionally, carbon pricing will be extended to the maritime and aviation sectors. The Green Deal Industrial Plan, adopted in February 2023, is intended to maintain competitiveness of European industry while making it climate neutral. This is supposed to be achieved by simplifying regulations, fast access to funding, skill training, and facilitation of fair trade (European Commission, n.d.-a). Furthermore, the 2022 REPowerEU plan is aimed at increasing the share of renewable energy while decreasing the total amount of energy used (European Commission, n.d.-a). Moreover, parts of the Social Climate Fund will be directed to citizens vulnerable to energy and transport poverty. The fund comprises €86 billion, and it is intended to support businesses and EU residents in transitioning to climate neutral practices, facilities, or machines (European Commission, n.d.-a). This way, the EU aims to “leave no person or place behind” and reduce inequalities (European Commission, n.d.-b).

         Another major objective is to establish the EU as a global leader in climate protection affairs. The strategy to achieve this is called “Green Deal Diplomacy”, which means that the EU advocates for climate protection and sustainable economic transitions on the international stage. At the 2023 UN COP 28 summit, the EU was one of the major forces pushing for additional measures to keep global warming within 1.5 degrees Celsius (European Commission, n.d.-b). This included extended commitments to transitioning away from fossil fuels and increased reliance on renewable energy. Moreover, the EU, and its member states have made substantial contributions to public climate finance to countries in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. In 2022, they provided €28.5 billion to countries outside the EU (European Commission, n.d.-a).

3. Empirical cases: neocolonialist practices

3.1     Neocolonialism: a definition

The necessary shift to sustainable forms of energy, highlighted by the EGD, is accompanied, in practice, by phenomena of a neocolonialist nature. A broad definition of neocolonialism characterises it as a “situation where the economic system and political policy of sovereign states are directed by foreign actors” (Archibong & Afolabi, 2023). Due to the past colonial relationship that many Western countries, including for EU states, have with the Global South, it is relatively easy for them to initiate asymmetrical climate partnership by leveraging promised benefits in terms of development (Govaert, 2024). In reality, many scholars have denounced the devastating consequences of what they define as “green capitalism” that is, the exploitation of persistent asymmetrical relationships between Northern and Southern countries, with the goal of obtaining resources that allow the maintaining of the unsustainable Western lifestyle (Claar, 2022). Others have critiqued “green colonialism”, defined as the use of climate action as an excuse to continue exploiting resources for economic profit (Ramirez et al., 2024). In both these views, the exploitation and impoverishment of global South countries is seen as a necessary cost for the development of a new sustainable future: seemingly progressive initiatives tend, in fact, to rely on the model of “green sacrifice” (Zografos, 2022). There are many ways in which Western countries keep exploiting resources from the global South: In the following section, some empirical cases will be presented.

3.2.     Empirical cases: land grabbing

Land grabbing and dispossessions represent one of the many tools that Western countries employ in order to extract or produce more resources. Renewable energy projects, for instance, require resources in terms of land availability and materials that many countries in the Global North do not possess, leading them to rely on poorer states with plenty of resources to exploit (Archibong & Afolabi, 2023).These troubling phenomena persist even in light of progressive norms such as the New Green Deals. Some scholars argue that States’ legal frameworks allow and, in some cases, favour this dynamic, for instance by silencing internal dissent from indigenous communities in favour of economic or political interests (Sánchez Contreras et al., 2023). 

Some data about the magnitude and scopes of land grabbing, in the form of transnational deals and contracts, can be found on the Land Matrix website. Although necessarily incomplete and partial, an elaboration on this data is useful in understanding which countries are affected and in which ways. Figure 1 shows most of the countries affected by processes of land grabbing, and the most frequent declared scope of the deals. Transnational land deals for agricultural and forestry aims (including fodder and livestock purposes, but excluding biomass for biofuels) emerge as the main scope of the deals, but mining and energy-related objectives are still fundamental, especially for countries like South Africa.

Figure 2 illustrates the distribution of various aims for land grabbing in some of the most affected areas: the characteristics of different zones of the world seem to favour different aims in land grabs, with South America being more balanced and the Middle East being exploited for energy purposes.

Each of these types of land grab presents different consequences for local communities and their wellbeing. For instance, land grabs and dispossessions for agricultural and forestry uses are associated with a loss of agrobiodiversity and with issues of soil erosion. Monocrop cultivation, which replaces traditional farming methods, is more efficient for Western purposes of exporting food, but hinders locals’ opportunities for subsistence agriculture (European Parliament Directorate General for External Policies of the Union, 2016). This re-purposing of Global South land for Western food production presents dangerous consequences on food security for local and indigenous people: less land is destined for local food production, and this exacerbates issues of malnutrition (Graham & Aubry, 2010).

The hunt for renewable energy sources is, too, a disruptive factor for local and indigenous communities. An example is the reliance of EU countries on the production of green hydrogen in Africa: while presented in the EGD as a fundamental step for carbon neutrality, it favours the development of asymmetrical deals and contracts that tend to reinforce unequal and unjust dynamics (Baranowski, 2023; Skládalová, 2024). Agreements for the production of clean hydrogen in North Africa, for instance, do not contain any provisions for the investment in local businesses or for the funding of new expertise, leaving territories exploited and not enriched at all (Claar, 2022). The same could be said about other forms of energy production, such as wind farms: processes of energy colonialism can be observed even inside Europe. Norway, for instance, has been exploiting indigenous Saami population’s land, without their consent, in order to produce wind energy. This has resulted in the disruption of their way of life, for example hindering their tradition of reindeer herding (Sánchez Contreras et al., 2023). 

A key driver for land grabbing is also the search for minerals such as lithium, cobalt and nickel. Mining for these materials, which are fundamental for the construction of tech components and renewable energy infrastructures (such as photovoltaic panels), also presents numerous  social and environmental issues (Raimondi, 2021). The aforementioned Saami, along with the Inuit people, suffer from the extraction of rare earth materials from their land, which they vehemently oppose (Ramanujam, 2021). Another key example is that of the Lithium Triangle, a section of land between the borders of Argentina, Bolivia and Chile where lithium extraction is causing a dangerous amount of water stress (Zografos, 2022).

All the aforementioned consequences of green colonialism tend to disproportionately affect women, especially indigenous ones. The interconnected nature of different structures of inequality is the main focus of decolonial feminism, which highlights that systems of colonialism, patriarchy and capitalism work together simultaneously in determining phenomena like neocolonialism (Resurrección, 2024; Muchhala, 2024). For instance, extractivism-induced food scarcity represents an unequal toll on women, who are often responsible for  providing food for their families and tend to sacrifice their well-being in order to ensure their children eat (Action Nexus for Generation Equality, 2021). Or, in the case of the Ogiek indigenous women of Kenya, displacements enacted for the production of carbon credits have hindered their role as protectors of their lands and forests, where they previously gathered all the resources they needed for their subsistence and health (Ibeh, 2023). On the cultural level, neocolonialist practices would represent, according to some scholars, a form of profound violence against indigenous women’s cosmology, cultural heritage and, especially their self-determination. This is evident for the Wayuu women in Colombia, whose deep ancestral knowledge and matrilineal system compel them to act as “warriors” against the disruption of their land and traditions (Ramirez et al., 2024).

To sum up, it is fundamental to acknowledge that neocolonialist practices such as land grabbing and dispossessions are currently hindering local and indigenous people’s lifestyle and well-being. It is also crucial to apply an intersectional lens to the discourse, in order to show how these processes affect women in different ways.

4. Climate migrations: a gendered perspective 

4.1 Unseen and unprotected: Climate migrants and the EU’s responsibility

Climate migrations are now an undeniable reality. The UN estimates that, by 2050, climate change will induce the displacement of 260 million people in search for stability, due to the consequences of extreme weather and slow-onset events (European Commission, 2022). The link between actions and policies of industrialized countries – including the EU –  and environmental migrations, is evident. Historically, the EU has continuously relied on extractive practices and resource-intensive industries that dramatically impacted developing countries’ existence. As a direct consequence of these approaches, economic destabilization, collapse of food systems and life precarity led to the displacement of thousands of people (European Commission, 2022).

International organizations and agencies (IOM, 2021) refer to people on the move escaping the climate crisis as “climate migrants” or “environmental migrants”, avoiding any other terminology – such as “climate refugees” due to legal and definitional concerns (IOM, 2011:34 in IOM, 2014:13). However, while refugees are protected by the 1951 Geneva Convention, environmental migrants do not enjoy any formal recognition nor legal protections, being left in a precarious condition- both legal and socially. Guilty of neglection, the EU fails to acknowledge the unique condition of climate migrants, who encounter specific challenges and dangers.

With the climate rapidly – and in some cases irreversibly – changing, the European Union took the lead to address climate change and migration as two separate issues and developed the European Green Deal and the New Pact on Migration and Asylum (the New Pact, June 2024). This divisive approach seems not to take into consideration the nature of climate change as a trigger for migration, failing to recognise the interconnection between these two global challenges (Scissa, 2022).

EU climate regulations and migration law should go hand-in-hand, adopting a comprehensive and effective approach to address climate issues and protect environmental migrants from climate-related violations of human rights. Three ways have been suggested: the promotion of an extensive application of existing protective instruments by EU political institutions; a wider interpretation of asylum and migration provisions by the European Court of Justice, including environmental threats to migrants’ rights; and within the framework of the New Pact, to revise the Common European Asylum System by making explicit reference to the environmental causes of migration (Scissa, 2022).

Due to the unpredictable nature of the climate crisis, the EU should act responsibly and reform its approach towards climate-induced displacement, developing a system able to handle a potential rapid wave of displaced people after a climate emergency. The case of the temporary protection for Ukrainian refugees is an example of how the EU – when determined – can rapidly and effectively respond to a crisis. Despite European countries having ratified many human rights conventions, the EU Member States  continue to fail to comply with them.

4.2 Climate change is not gender neutral: the EU blind eye to migrant women

This lack of protection instruments both at the international and European level not only affect all environmental migrants, but they disproportionately impact women and marginalized groups. European approaches focus mainly on the economic consequences of the climate crisis, failing to consider its gender dimension, revealing the unequal conditions experienced by women and traditionally marginalized groups (Borràs-Pentinat, 2024).  According to the IOM, all migrations are a gendered process (IOM 2022), implying that based on their identity’s features, migrants encounter different needs and priorities and are exposed to different dangers during the migration process. This is especially relevant for women, who are at risk of experiencing gender-based violence through physical, sexual, mental or economic harm, as well as the threat of other types of violence, coercion or deprivation of liberty (Borràs-Pentinat, 2023).

The condition of vulnerability does not only lie around people’s exposure to the risk of climate-induced hazards but also arises from the context in which they live. Such differences depend on social norms, and multidimensional inequalities (IPCC, 2014). Thus, it becomes evident the intersection between social gender processes that lead to marginalization and the exposure to climate change effects. This is the reason why climate change is much more severe on women, as their ability to adapt to the crisis is linked to socio-cultural gender norms. 

On one side, social gender norms restrict women’s mobility, making them even more vulnerable to environmental hazards. On the other side, those women who do migrate to shelters and relief camps, experience lack of healthcare facilities, reproductive care and gender-specific physical spaces, along with poor sanitary conditions. This makes them susceptible to waterborne diseases and an easy target of exploitation and gender-based violence.

During the COP29 in Baku, EU Member States (MSs) agreed to support the “Statement on the importance of an ambitious outcome on gender and climate change”, reiterating their commitment to advance gender equality in climate action at all levels. Recognising that women and girls are not only subjects heavily impacted by climate change, but also powerful agents of change, the MSs committed to consider gender equality as a crosscutting priority by developing a new Work Programme and Gender Action Plan in line with previous COPs and climate agreements, resulting in an integrated gender approach when implementing climate policies, plans, strategies, and action, while promoting the role of men and boys as crucial actors in achieving gender equality (Statement at COP 29, 2024).

However, facts seem to contradict these ambitious statements. Just  like climate change and migration, climate action and gender equality do not intersect. Despite the Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025 recognising the importance of intersectionality, climate change, gender, and migration are still compartmentalised. This is demonstrated by the European Climate Law (June 2021), which avoids any gender lens, generally stating that “the transition must be fair and inclusive, leaving no one behind” (European Commission, 2021). The EU’s glance on climate change remains narrowly focused on the effects that climate change has on the economy. This limited approach that prioritizes economic interests over the protection of vulnerable groups, including women, demonstrates once again the limitations of green capitalism in addressing systemic inequalities, and advancing women’s rights under precarious conditions, such as those provoked by climate change.

Human rights must always be protected from systemic discrimination, multifaceted inequality, and gender-based violence, especially against women and girls. This is especially important when forced to relocate, particularly when there are significant climate impacts that exacerbate  human rights abuses against women. Women are positioned differently in the context of forced climate migration processes due to gender discrimination, which intersects with other vulnerabilities (Borràs-Pentinat, 2023). Therefore, it is imperative that gender-sensitive measures be incorporated into laws and policies generally, but especially those pertaining to migration and climate change (mitigation, adaptation, loss, and damage). The EU should strengthen a gender-sensitive approach to migration, by integrating into its legal responses the recognition of climate change as a migration driver and the articulation of gender-sensitive protection measures.

5. Conclusions and alternative practices

The Green Deal has positioned the EU as a leader in sustainability, but its climate action must go beyond reducing the emissions within Europe’s borders; it must recognize the global consequences of its policies. A feminist and sustainable European environmental policy would ensure that the pursuit of green energy and environmental protection does not  perpetuate historical patterns of exploitation. EU’s policies must be driven by inclusivity, equity and respect for the partner countries’ sovereignty and for their residents, and address structural inequalities while promoting environmental sustainability. Without these objectives in mind, the EU reinforces the mechanisms of oppression and marginalization that it aims to combat.

To move beyond the destructive patterns of the EU’s green neocolonialism, Europe must adopt climate policies grounded in feminist and local-respecting frameworks. A feminist ecological perspective should prioritize investing in green jobs where women are underrepresented, particularly in renewable energy and climate-smart agriculture, while securing care work as essential infrastructure, paid and respected (UN Women, 2023). The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change states that “indigenous people(s) and local communities are crucial to tackling the climate crisis”, and suggests the reforming of legal frameworks to guarantee “Free, Prior, and Informed Consent for all environmental projects impacting indigenous lands” (UNFCCC, 2021). This also means centering local residents’ land rights as fundamental to biodiversity conservation and climate resilience. 

Indigenous knowledge systems, such as the sustainable water management practices of the Amazigh people in the Nafusa mountain region or the traditional terrace farming of the Tigray communities in Ethiopia (Minority Rights, 2023;  Conflict and Environment Observatory, 2022), should be integrated into EU climate action plans, ensuring that local agency and knowledge shapes sustainability efforts. Moreover, it is  also necessary to implement a participatory checks and balances system that includes marginalized communities, in order to ensure that those most affected by climate change, especially indigenous women and climate refugees, have a decisive voice in shaping policies. To truly lead in sustainability, the EU must balance its climate ambitions with policies that are fair, inclusive, and that are rooted in global equity – not at the expense of others, but in partnership with them.

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