Double Burden, Double Shift: Women’s Care Work in East Germany Pre- and Post- Reunification

Introduction

The concept of care typically relates to the range of activities that are essential for meeting people’s needs in terms of physical and emotional well-being. These activities include domestic work, childcare, and the care for dependents, as well as social support. This large concept is often associated with domestic household practices in a broader sense, which are predominantly carried out by women worldwide (Hanlon, 2012). Care activities are often unpaid, undervalued, and invisible, since they are performed in the private sphere. Moreover, such activities remain deeply gendered (Pfefferkorn, 2011; Somli, 2023; UN Women, 2024): while gender norms tend to see men as “breadwinners” investing in the labour market and earning money to financially support their families, women are often seen more as “caregivers” carrying out domestic chores at home. In fact, it is globally believed that, women and girls carry out more than three times as much care work as men and boys, amounting to approximately 12.5 billion hours of unpaid care work performed every single day (Somji, 2023; UN Women, 2024). In feminist literature, unpaid care activities are often described as a “double burden”, a “double shift”, or a “second working day” for women, who must perform these tasks after their own daily job (Hervey & Shaw, 1998; Milewski, 2004; Moore, 2004).

To reduce these inequalities in the practice of care activities, some governments have implemented care policies aimed at rebalancing their distribution. Measures such as parental leave, specific paid care leave, and the expansion of public services play a key role in shaping gender dynamics, influencing women’s participation in the labour market, work-life balance, and the cultural norms surrounding care work (EIGE, 2022; Sainsbury, 2013; Somji, 2023).

Although the unequal distribution of care activities is a global phenomenon, it is also deeply rooted in gender norms, and is therefore shaped by time and geography, leading to major differences between countries and periods (Hanlon, 2012). East Germany (or the German Democratic Republic – GDR – until 1990), in particular, offers a striking example of how the perception of care and the division of domestic labour between women and men have evolved.

 This article examines care policies in East Germany, comparing the Cold War period, when the socialist state controlled nearly all aspects of life and interfered within the private sphere, encouraging strong female participation in the labour market (Harsh, 2007), with the post-Berlin Wall period, marked by integration into a capitalist economic model (Ferree, 1993). This analysis will highlight shifts in care structures, as well as continuities and ruptures in gender (in)equality.

Before 1990

In public discourse, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is often considered a prime example of female emancipation, especially compared to its West German counterpart (McEwan, 2024). However, the role of women in the GDR is often romanticised, and many historians advocate for a more detailed and critical evaluation of gender equality.

Indeed, female employment in the GDR was comparatively high. After the Second World War, many men had not (yet) returned, leading to both a surplus of women in society and a considerable labour shortage (Kaminsky, 2019). In addition, many young and well-educated citizens left the GDR for West Germany, especially before the border was fully closed in 1961. This further exacerbated the labour shortage and threatened the GDR’s economic and political stability. Therefore, women were expected to join the workforce, and being employed was considered an essential part of being a “modern woman”. In 1968, 80% of all GDR women worked, more than twice as much as in West Germany (Kaminsky, 2019). 

This was made possible by the complex and comprehensive system of full-time child care institutions that the communist party established (Hagemann, 2006). The state offered facilities for children as young as a few months. While parents who sent their child to kindergartens or crèches were often considered “bad mothers” in West Germany, the opposite was true in the GDR (Kaminsky, 2019). Here, the predominant belief was that attending kindergarten helped children develop social skills (Harsch, 2007). In the 1970s, 60% of 1–3-year-olds and 80% of 4–6-year-olds attended external child care (Kaminsky, 2019). Besides day-care facilities, there were also kindergartens where children stayed from Monday to Saturday so their parents could work shifts throughout the week (Harsch, 2007).

In the 1970s, birth rates began to drop, and fewer GDR citizens chose to marry. Therefore, the communist party embraced pro-natalist policies. This radically changed the role of women. While they had primarily been considered workers before, the SED now emphasised women’s dual role of being a working mother and caretaker (Ferree, 1993). Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, a comprehensive set of social care and family policies was implemented (Kranz, 2005). These policies included financial child benefits, a paid year of maternity leave for the first child, and one paid day off per month to do household chores (McEwan, 2024). At the same time, full-time employment was still considered every communist citizen’s duty, and these policies were supposed to counter the tendency to work part-time. 

All of these family policies were targeted at women in their role as mothers and caregivers (Kranz, 2005). The concept of fatherhood was scarcely recognised, because communists believed that mothers were naturally destined to raise children and take care of elderly relatives (Harsch, 2007). While women were expected to manage both their family and work, fathers rarely spent time with their children and only seldom did household chores (Harsch, 2007). The average GDR woman worked a double shift, doing 47 hours of housekeeping in addition to their 40-hour work week (Kranz, 2005). 

The idea of a working woman may appear progressive at first sight. A closer look, however, reveals severe emancipatory flaws (Harsch, 2007). On paper, the constitution of the GDR gave women the same rights as men, but there was no de facto equality. On average, women earned 30 percent less than men, and they rarely got into positions of economic or political power (Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk, 2020). Moreover, women carried a heavy “double burden”, because the right to work was combined with the sole responsibility for children and the household (McEwan, 2024). All of the social care policies mentioned above stabilised the traditional, gendered labour distribution in the home and made women the parent who cared for the children and elderly family members (Hagemann, 2006). Therefore, these policies were often subsumed under the term Muttipolitik (which can be translated as “mommy-politics”) (McEwan, 2024). 

The pro-natalist policies also had some unintended consequences that further harmed gender equality. Whenever a child was sick and could not go to the nursery, or an elderly relative required caretaking, it was much easier for mothers to take a day off than for fathers. Moreover, many men considered the paid household day undeserved (Ferree, 1993). The performance and productivity of women who missed work for those reasons was measured against that of their male colleagues. This contributed to the already widespread belief that women were less capable in the workplace (Kranz, 2005). 

Overall, the primary goal of the GDR’s family policy was not to achieve emancipation and gender equality, but rather to solve the state’s social and economic problems. Providing extensive social care was a central element of the state’s claim to legitimacy (McEwan, 2024). Legal equality led to a double burden for women, because they remained the sole caregiver while also being expected to work full-time.

The early 2000s and the shifting role of women as caregivers

As a result of Germany’s reunification, women in the early 2000s were confronted with a volatile socio-economic status quo. The turn of the century coincided with the time East Germany was engulfed by the single-market economy system. Following this incorporation, social policies were implemented that had impacts on the division of care duties and the valorisation of women’s labour. The restructuring of care-giving roles reflected the turn to a market-driven capitalist economy, a drastic shift from a centralised economy. The shift caused restructuring in the fields of family policy, employment, and welfare, as well as women’s roles as caregivers, exposing persistent gender disparities. 

The adoption of market-driven economic policies entailed an all-encompassing shift from collective to personal accountability, and contributed to a significant transformation of the welfare system. This turn negatively impacted gender equality by contributing to a policy discourse that devalued women’s informal labour. In particular, the Hartz reforms of 2003, aiming to lower unemployment and increase labour market flexibility, resulted in an increase in women’s caregiving responsibilities (Bauer & King 2018). Following the reform, women were faced with the burden of taking part in a labour market that decreased public funding for childcare, providing little room for family responsibilities. Such a labour market was designed by men for men, and wasn’t fit to take the intersectionality of the female experience into account. As a result, the double burden that many women had been carrying since the GDR era was exacerbated by these changes.

Other modifications to the German social care system followed Gerhard Schröder’s administration. In an attempt to promote a more egalitarian division of care responsibilities between mothers and fathers, a parental leave benefit was introduced in 2007. Elterngeld, however, resulted in a range of outcomes that contributed to aggravate the care burden (Kottwitz et al., 2016). Mothers were still in charge of the bulk of the domestic labour, despite the policy allowing fathers to take leave to support the mothers in their day to day. Women were still expected to balance formal and informal occupations, contributing to reinforce a discourse that strengthened a traditional division of family roles. Although the policy’s goal was to encourage women to enter the workforce, the fact that women still handled the majority of caregiving duties meant that it had no practical effect on gender equality.

A third significant reform took the form of a childcare allowance, the Betreuungsgeld implemented in 2013. This scheme provided financial assistance to parents who opted not to enrol their children in formal childcare (Collischon et al., 2024). Despite its goal of offering families greater childcare options, the reform further solidified women’s stereotypical roles as primary carers by encouraging mothers to stay at home and care for their children and elderly relatives (Collischon et al., 2024). It also decreased the availability of reasonably priced childcare and reinforced conventional gender norms. For women in East Germany, where full-time employment had been a fundamental component of gender equality during the socialist era, the transition to informal employment represented a major source of uncertainty, and a significant emotional burden. The significance of the shift to informalisation resulted in increased gender inequality as a result of women having to settle for low-paying, part-time, or unstable jobs alongside their unpaid caregiving responsibilities.

Despite these obstacles, new feminist initiatives emerged in the early 2000s, with increasing demands for improved assistance for working moms in the early 2000s, particularly in the area of childcare. Increasing number of women started advocating for improved maternity leave options and work-life balance, as well as more comprehensive childcare legislation. With an increasing recognition of the pivotal role of the state in providing assistance to families rather than placing the entire burden on women, the narrative surrounding gender and care began to transform. These improvements were uneven and slow, however, due to the persistent structural disparities in the labour market and the deeply ingrained gender norms around caregiving.

As a result, women in East Germany experienced significant upheaval in the early 2000s, particularly in relation to their caregiving responsibilities. While some legislation was implemented to try to balance work and family responsibilities, these measures were often inadequate and had little impact on changing deeply rooted gender stereotypes. The structural inequalities that had existed during the GDR persisted during the post-reunification era, despite the fact that women’s roles as carers evolved as Germany continued to unite.

Overview of care policy options and solutions

As discussed above with the example of East Germany, care policies can play a crucial role in reducing gender inequalities and rebalancing gender roles with regard to care activities. For example, care policy in GDR was geared towards encouraging and valuing women’s participation in the labour market, while offering practical support solutions via financial aid and public services (Kranz, 2005; McEwan, 2024). On a global scale, the range of policies implemented and approaches adopted is very broad, with different levels of success  in reducing gender inequalities. However, scholars advocate for global care policies coupled with a reshaping of gender norms, that could rebalance practices and promote  effective gender equality (Haas, 2003; Somji, 2023; World Economic Forum, 2024).

In the European Union, four care policy models are commonly used to classify how European countries tackle the issue of care policies and gender equality (Haas, 2003). The privatised care model – prevalent in countries such as Italy and Spain – neither acknowledges nor values a balance in the distribution of care activities. It favours a very dichotomous vision of gender roles, where men are seen as breadwinners and women as caregivers. The family-centred care model and the market-oriented care model are both shaped by the desire to preserve traditional family values, whereby women are encouraged to participate in the labour market, but in which gender roles nevertheless impose inequalities in favour of men. Germany, like France and the Netherlands, is based on these policy-making care models. In contrast, the valued care model, found in Scandinavian countries, enables the actual integration of women into the labour market by offering extensive support systems to help reduce the gender gap in care. This model focuses on the development of comprehensive care policies, notably through parental leave schemes and substantial financial support, coupled with the dissemination of gender norms and representation of gendered roles as more equitable when it comes to caregiving (Haas, 2023; World Economic Forum, 2024).

Public policy solutions to reduce the gender gap in care-giving include funding support measures and the provision of public services. In some countries, compulsory parental leave is offered as an incentive to encourage women and men to share care responsibilities equally. In addition, the development of accessible, high-quality public services, such as kindergartens, day-care centres, care services for the elderly or dependent, and support structures for the disabled, among others. Some countries also introduce flexible employment policies, encouraging adapted working arrangements such as telecommuting or chosen part-time schemes, to promote a better work-life balance. In any case, the idea behind these measures is to lighten the burden on women in particular, and to encourage and facilitate their participation in the labour market while promoting a better work-life balance (EIGE, 2022; Somji, 2023; World Economic Forum, 2024).

However, the effectiveness and relevance of such policies can be qualified. When assessing  the impact of financial support measures, such as parental leaves, it is crucial to note that they may weigh more heavily on women than men (Haas, 2003). The same can be said for adapting working hours: it has been shown that part-time work is often imposed on women (Moore, 2004), and can, in fact, widen the gender gap. As a result, these measures are sometimes difficult to implement, and do not necessarily have the desired effect in terms of reducing gender inequality (Milewski, 2004). Furthermore, care professions are also much more female-dominated: while 80% of paid domestic workers worldwide are women (UN Women, 2024), they also make up the majority of medical staff, as well as the employees of social facilities such as kindergartens and retirement homes. Consequently, the funding of public services and care structures can unintentionally reinforce  the gender gap than alleviate it (EIGE, 2022; Somji, 2023).

For this reason, tangible measures to reform the system through the funding of public services and the development of financial aids need to be complemented, in a holistic approach, by more symbolic developments in the area of social norms. To  have a concrete, positive impact on gender inequalities in care activities, it is essential to influence the symbolic representations and gender-role norms that exist in society. The idea is to transform the discourse around care from being a private “burden” associated with women, to a shared responsibility essential to the well-being of society and its economy (Somji, 2023). Campaigns to deconstruct gender stereotypes linked to care and promote a more equitable sharing of domestic and family chores are central to this effort. This also means improving the recognition and remuneration of care professions, which are often occupied by women, in order to address the gender pay gap (EIGE, 2022).

Conclusion

Care includes various activities that meet individuals’ physical and emotional needs, such as domestic work, childcare, and elder care. Traditionally unpaid and undervalued, these responsibilities have largely fallen on women, reinforcing global gender inequalities. Due to the implementation of two profoundly distinct political and economic systems, Germany offers a highly dualistic example of social policies, women’s employment, and care, where both the underlying values and principles, as well as their political implementation, differ. This allows for a systematic comparison and perspective on the impact of public policies on care and gender equality through a deeply dichotomous model.

This article has shown how, on the one hand, the socialist regime promoted female labor force participation through extensive state intervention to provide comprehensive childcare services. However, rather than reducing gender inequalities, this policy ultimately led to stabilizing gender inequality rather than eliminating it (Hagemann, 2006; McEwan, 2024). On the other hand, yhe Hartz reforms, implemented after reunification, aimed to promote labor market flexibility but ultimately exacerbated women’s caregiving responsibilities. Both models thus pushed women to bear the “double burden” of paid and unpaid work, with persistent gender disparities in employment and care responsibilities. 

Therefore, this analysis, which examines care policies under opposing political and economic regimes, allows for an assessment of the different public policy options when it comes to mitigating gender inequalities. From this overview, it becomes possible to highlight which policies have been effective in this regard and which have been less so. The experience of East Germany can indeed provide insights of the various possibilities for state action in favour of gender equality, and give us a clearer picture of the effectiveness of certain caregiving-related measures. Across Europe, many different policy approaches have been adopted to address gender inequalities in care; in any case, care policies are implemented to varying degrees and in different forms, and have more or less positive effects on gender-related issues. Therefore, effective care policies include financial support measures such as compulsory parental leave for both parents, accessible public services like childcare and elder care, and flexible work arrangements to improve work-life balance. However, these policies can sometimes reinforce traditional gender roles, as women are more likely to take advantage of them, leading to unintended consequences such as increased part-time work and persistent wage gaps.

Clearly, state action through public policies can be more or less effective, and must be accompanied by changes in social perceptions and representations, in order to complement these policies and prevent them from having the opposite effect to their objective, that is by widening the gender gap even further. Ultimately, achieving gender equality in care requires not only policy interventions but also a cultural shift in gender norms. Addressing structural barriers and promoting shared responsibilities between men and women are essential for long-term progress in balancing care work and professional life (EIGE, 2022; Somji, 2023).

References

Bauer, A., & King, I. (2018). The Hartz reforms, the German Miracle, and labor reallocation. European Economic Review, 103, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2017.12.010

Collischon, M., Kuehnle, D., & Oberfichtner, M. (2024). Who Benefits from Cash‐for‐Care?: Effects of a Home Care Subsidy on Maternal Employment, Childcare Choices, and Children’s Development. Journal of Human Resources, 59(4), 1011–1051. https://doi.org/10.3368/jhr.0720-11051R1

EIGE. (2022). A Better Work-Life Balance : Bridging the gender care gap (p. 10). European Institute for Gender Equality. https://data.europa.eu/doi/10.2767/858795

Ferree, M. M. (1993). The Rise and Fall of « Mommy Politics » : Feminism and Unification in (East) Germany. Feminist Studies, 19(1), 89-115. https://doi.org/10.2307/3178354

Frauen in der DDR. (2020, December 14). Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk. https://www.mdr.de/geschichte/ddr/alltag/familie/frauen-184.html

Haas, L. (2003). Parental Leave and Gender Equality : Lessons from the European Union. Review of Policy Research, 20(1), 89-114. https://doi.org/10.1111/1541-1338.d01-6

Hagemann, K. (2006). Between Ideology and Economy : The “Time Politics” of Child Care and Public Education in the Two Germanys. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 13(2), 217-260. https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxj012

Hanlon, N. (2012). Gendered Care Practices. In N. Hanlon (Éd.), Masculinities, Care and Equality : Identity and Nurture in Men’s Lives (p. 29-42). Palgrave Macmillan UK. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137264879_2

Harsch, D. (2007). Reconstituting the Family : Domestic relations between tradition and change. In Revenge of the Domestic : Women, the Family, and Communism in the German Democratic Republic (p. 198-235). Princeton University Press.

Hervey, T., & Shaw, J. (1998). Women, Work and Care : Women’s Dual Role and Double Burden in EC Sex Equality Law. Journal of European Social Policy, 8(1), 43-63.  https://doi.org/10.1177/095892879800800103

Kaminsky, A. (2019, March 5). (Verordnete) Emanzipation? Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. https://www.bpb.de/themen/deutschlandarchiv/286988/verordnete-emanzipation/

Kranz, S. (2005). Women’s Role in the German Democratic Republic and the State’s Policy Toward Women. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 7(1), 69-83.

Kottwitz, A., Oppermann, A., & Spiess, C. K. (2016). Parental leave benefits and breastfeeding in Germany: Effects of the 2007 reform. Review of Economics of the Household, 14(4), 859–890. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11150-015-9299-4

McEwan, A. (2024). Gendered citizenship and women’s relationship to systems of social care : Investigating the GDR’s Frauenparadies (1971-1989) [PhD, University of Glasgow]. https://doi.org/10.5525/gla.thesis.84690

Milewski, F. (2004). Femmes : « top » modèles des inégalités. Revue de l’OFCE, 90(3), 11-68. https://doi.org/10.3917/reof.090.0011

Moore, S. (2004). Beyond the double shift. New Statesman, 133(4697), 32-33.

Pfefferkorn, R. (2011). Le partage inégal des « tâches ménagères ». Les Cahiers de Framespa, 7. https://doi.org/10.4000/framespa.646

Sainsbury, D. (2013). Gender, Care, and Welfare. In G. Waylen, K. Celis, J. Kantola, & S. L. Weldon (Éds.), The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics (p. 0). Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199751457.013.0012

Somji, A. (2023). Building caring societies : How states can shift the gendered norms of care (p. 19). ODI.

UNWomen. (2024, October 29). Care : A critical investment for gender equality and the rights of women and girls. UN Women. https://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/statement/2024/10/care-a-critical-investment-for-gender-equality-and-the-rights-of-women-and-girls

World Economic Forum. (2024). Global Gender Gap 2024 (p. 385). World Economic Forum.