Struggle for Conservation of Slovenian Minorities in Austria, Italy and Hungary: Why does Multilateral Action Matter?

ABSTRACT

This article seeks to explore the protection of Slovenian minorities in Austria, Italy and Hungary and the difficulties they faced in the past and are still facing today. The article aims to critically analyse the enforcement of international and European legal standards of minority protection in the case of the Slovenian minority.  Through examination of reports, articles, national judgments and international and national laws the article delves into the issues of the Slovenian minorities and whether their position has improved. The article finds that while universal and regional standards have enhanced the protection of Slovenian minorities in Austria, Italy, and Hungary, their inadequate implementation has left Slovenian minorities with limited and reduced rights, particularly during political crises.

Keywords: minority rights, Slovenian minority, minority languages, minority protection, Slovenia, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Yugoslavia, EU, ethnic minorities, European Union, Council of Europe, United Nations, human rights

INTRODUCTION

Slovenia, one of the EU’s smallest members, shares borders with Italy, Austria, Hungary, and Croatia. Historically linked to Central Europe, Slovenia was formerly part of the Habsburg Empire and later Austria-Hungary until 1918. After that, Slovenia became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and later a federal republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Slovenia recognises three autochthonous national minorities within its territory – Hungarian, Italian, and Roma. They enjoy privileged status compared to other minority groups (Petricusic, 2004:1-3). However, Slovenian minorities in Austria, Hungary, and Italy lack similar levels of protection, facing challenges that may threaten their existence (Mlakar, 2018) (Svenšek et al, 2020) (Svenšek, 2019). Despite this, it appears that nowadays Slovenian minorities enjoy more rights and protection than ever before (Republika Slovenija, Državni zbor, 2022). However, their position is still complicated and often dealt with on national, international levels and on the EU level. This article delves into the reasons behind this, reviews relevant treaties that protect ethnic minorities, and reviews the past and current plight of Slovenian autonomous minorities.

LITERATURE REVIEW: INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL LEGAL MINORITY PROTECTION AND STANDARDS

GENERAL PROTECTION OF MINORITIES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

Minorities are directly protected in international law on a universal level by Article 27 of the International Covenant on Cultural and Political Rights (ICCPR) (United Nations, Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, 1966) and on the regional level in the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Framework Convention) (Council of Europe, 2024). Similarly, the standards set out in the Council of Europe European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages have become universally accepted throughout Europe (Council of Europe, 2010). National minorities are indirectly protected also by the International Covenant on Economic and Social Rights (United Nations, Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, 1966), the UN General Declaration on Human Rights (United Nations, 1948), and the European Convention on Human Rights (Council of Europe, 1950). Lastly, the EU protects national minorities with the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights (Eur-Lex, 2012).

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN AUSTRIA

The Slovenian minority in Austria is recognised under the Austrian State Treaty from 1955 (Slovenian: Avstrijska državna pogodba, shorter: ADP, German: Österreichischer Staatsvertrag) and resides mainly in Austrian Carinthia and Austrian Styria. Their estimated population is 50,000. However, census figures may underestimate the numbers of the minority population due to historical pressures put on the Slovenian population that consequently rather declare themselves as Austrian. After World War I and the dissolution of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, Slovenes in Carinthia and Styria became part of Austria and not Yugoslavia by a border plebiscite. Despite ADP’s provisions, which grant minority rights to the Slovenian minority, its implementation remains incomplete after nearly 70 years since its ratification (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024a).

The Slovenian national minority in Austria is granted protection as an autonomous national minority. In particular, Article 7 of ADP grants minority rights to Carinthian Slovenes (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024a). Moreover, the Austrian Federal Constitution includes a provision that calls for the respect and promotion of ethnic groups resident in Austria and the obligation to establish bilingual signs. It also regulates the official languages in Austria, including the languages of the minority groups. In addition to the Constitution, special rights for Croatian, Slovenian, Hungarian, Czech and Slovak ethnic groups, as well as for the Roma population, are all established in the Ethic Group Act (das Volksgruppengesetz) of 1967 and several other laws and regulations (Federal Ministry of Austria, European and International Affairs, 2024). Lastly, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Austria (der Österreichihsche Verfassungsgerrichtshof) has in multiple judgments recognised that Austria is breaching minority rights established by the Austrian Constitution (Constitutional Court of the Republic of Austria, 2001) (Constitutional Court of the Republic of Austria, 1989) (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024a).

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN ITALY

Slovenes are an autochthonous national community in the Italian Republic. Comprising an estimated population of around 80,000 people, they are defined as a linguistic minority under Italian law. Slovenes are primarily residing in three regions within the Autonomous Region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia: Trieste (Trst), Gorizia (Goriška), and Udine (Videm). The region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia enjoys autonomy and receives additional financial resources due to the presence of the Slovene minority. While the provinces of Udine, Venezia and Rezia became part of Italy in 1866, other territories like Trieste and Gorizia were incorporated only after the World War I and remained part of Italy after the World War II and the abolition of the Free Territory of Trieste when the borders were changed and later defined in today’s legal framework. (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024b).

The Slovenian minority in Italy is protected by various treaties and laws, including the Paris Peace Treaty (1947), the London Memorandum (1954), and the Treaties of Osimo (1975). The Slovenian minority is protected by Article 6 of the Italian Constitution from 1948, through the Law on Protection of historical linguistic minorities in Italy (Law 38/2001) and through other legally binding acts. Although the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region has a special status of autonomy precisely because of the presence of the Slovenian minority, the latter is not mentioned in the Special Statute of the Region from 1963. At the provincial level, the Provincial Law for the Protection of the Slovene Linguistic Minority (Provincial Law No. 26/2007), provides protection, building upon national legislation (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024b).

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN HUNGARY

Slovenes in Hungary are recognised as one of the thirteen nationalities residing within Hungary. They are primarily inhabiting the region known as Porabje, including seven villages south of Monoštra and the Raba rivers. This community, estimated at around 5,000 members, saw some economic and developmental improvements following the democratisation of Hungary and Slovenia’s independence. However, Porabje remains one of Hungary’s least developed areas, contributing to emigration and challenges for the Slovenian minority (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024c).

The protection of the Slovenian minority has been included in Hungarian constitutions from 1974 and 1990. Since 2011, when Hungary has adopted a new constitution, Slovenians in Hungary are not protected as a minority but as one of Hungary’s nationalities. On the other hand,  the Hungarian Constitution grants protection of minorities only indirectly, through its preamble. Slovenia and Hungary have signed two bilateral agreements to protect their minorities – the Convention on providing special rights for the Slovenian minority living in the Republic of Hungary and for the Hungarian minority living in the Republic of Slovenia of 6 November 1992 and the Agreement on Friendship and cooperation between the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Hungary of 25 March 1993 (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024c).

METHODOLOGY

To find out how the described international and national legal protection is applied in practice, the article analyses government data, Council of Europe reports and resolutions and news articles that deal with the situation of Slovenian minorities in Austria, Italy and Hungary. The main questions included in the analysis were: “When did the first struggles for each Slovenian minority appear and why?”, “What kind of struggles have they dealt with in the past?”, “What are their current struggles?” and “Have Slovenia’s independence and entry into the European Union improved the protection of Slovenian minorities?” The main goal of such an approach is to compare the position of Slovenian minorities now and in the past and to obtain an objective look at their situation now and in the past. It is worth noting that due to a lack of international research regarding the Slovenian minority, the majority of the available literature is in Slovenian, German, Croatian and Italian and in this respect lacks complete objectivity and data. To ensure greater objectivity and neutrality, the article heavily relies on the reports and resolutions of the Council of Europe that deal with minority rights protection. 

ANALYSIS OF THE DE-FACTO SITUATION OF SLOVENIAN MINORITIES

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN AUSTRIA

In southern Carinthia, the area where the Regulation on compulsory bilingual classes in folk schools in southern Carinthia used to be in force, many bilingual folk schools and kindergartens operate up to this day, and children may continue their bilingual education at two different secondary schools. Folk school (Volksschule) in Austria is a four-year school for children in ages 6 to 10 years. After successfully completed folk school pupils transfer to a secondary school (OEAD – Das Österreichische Bildungssystem, 2024). A few other secondary schools also offer Slovenian as a second foreign language. In 1958, the Austrian government abolished the Regulation on compulsory bilingual classes in folk schools in southern Carinthia. Since then, each pupil who wants to partake in a bilingual class needs to apply for it individually. Despite this, Regulation remains a crucial legal basis for Carinthian Slovenes as it establishes the definition of the territory where their minority rights should be respected. The media and publishing houses play an important role in preserving the Slovenian language and identity (newspapers Novice and Nedelja, the Slovenian radio program on ORF, radio Agora and the TV program Dober dan, Koroška also broadcast by the ORF, etc.). On the other hand, Slovenian minority in Austria resides also in southern Styria and are a smaller and more assimilated community. Consequently, the realisation of their minority rights is more challenging (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024a).

In February 2005, a dispute between Austria and Slovenia arose over the Slovenian minority in Austria due to comments made by Austrian officials about the Austrian State Treaty (Slovenian: Avstrijska državna pogodba, shorter: ADP). Although technically correct, a statement by the Speaker of the Austrian Parliament, Andreas Khol, who stated that Slovenia is not a party to the ADP, sparked controversy. Slovenia is not a signatory of ADP but qualifies as a legal successor of the former Yugoslavia that was a party to the ADP, which makes Slovenia one of the ADP’s a party. This issue was brought to the attention of Austrian officials after Carinthian Governor Jörg Haider announced his plans to remove bilingual signs in Carinthia, claiming the ADP was not legally binding for Slovenia (Manske, 2005).

Recently, in February 2023, Slovenia called for respect for the ADP following anti-Slovenian messages posted on social media by the youth wing of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The youth wing of the FPÖ published a post on their social media with the crossed-over word Koroška (Slovenian for Carinthia) and added a slogan »Do not elect SPÖ and prevent the slovensation of Carinthia« (German: SPÖ abwählen, Slowenisierung Kärntens stoppen). The message prompted Slovenia to urge Austria, through diplomatic channels, to stick to the ADP, which prohibits organisations aiming to deprive the Slovenian minority of its rights from operating in Austria (STA, 2023) (RTV SLO, 2023) (Der Standard, 2023).

In October 2023, Carinthian Slovene political parties and the Association of Carinthian Slovenes filed a petition to the European Parliament about inadequate ADP implementation. Their legal advisor Rudolf Vouk highlighted the decline of bilingual education and the decline of Slovenian speakers, noting also Carinthian Slovenes’ inability to use Slovenian in administrative and court matters without any legal recourse in Austria. The European Commission reiterated that education and language use in public administration and courts fall under member states’ jurisdiction (and not under the EU’s jurisdiction), as each member state is responsible for ensuring that the fundamental rights related to national minorities are following the instruments of the Council of Europe. Slovenian MEPs criticised this assessment as superficial, advocating for the Commission to ensure respect for Slovenian minority rights in Austria and all minorities across the EU. Their opinion was supported by several other MEPs. The petition remains open, awaiting a response from the European Commission (RTV SLO, 2024).

On the other hand, some Slovenians observe that over the past 25 years, there has been a significant shift towards a more open atmosphere, with bilingualism now valued in Carinthia. Andrej Rahten, a Slovenian historian and former Slovenian ambassador in Vienna, attributes this shift partly to both countries’ entry into the EU, fostering intense communication about minority rights (Svenšek, 2020). The Slovenian minority in Carinthia can now be more optimistic about preserving their national identity than in previous decades (Svenšek et al, 2020).

The Council of Europe’s Committee of Experts on the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (the Committee) noted in 2018 that Austria lacks education on Slovenian history and culture and provides limited financial support for Slovenian film productions. Up to the reporting date, no film productions in Slovenian language have ever received any financial assistance from Austria. The Committee expressed its view that this could be due to the high minimum contribution of the Austrian government (30% of the total production costs) required from producers to obtain the grant. Financial assistance for film productions can also be obtained from the Austrian Film Institute, which requires that the final version of the film must be in German, and either dubbed or subtitled. The Committee recommended Austria to take immediate action to ensure efficient and timely processing of the promotional fund grants for Slovenian films in Austria in cooperation with the Slovenian speakers and include the teaching of the history and culture reflected by the Slovenian language in the curriculum of the German middle schools in Carinthia and to promote bilingualism. Moreover, the Committee recommended to encourage the local authorities to publish their documents in Slovenian language and to promote respect, understanding and tolerance in relation to the Slovenian minority in Austrian mass media (Council of Europe, 2018). In general, the Committee recommended to Austria, as a matter of priority to:

• Adopt a structured policy for the protection and promotion of all minority languages, especially in Vienna, and create favourable conditions for their use in public life;
• Include in the general curriculum an adequate presentation of the history and the culture which is reflected by the regional or minority languages in Austria;
• Take practical measures for the use of the Burgenland-Croatian, Hungarian and Slovenian languages before the relevant judicial and administrative authorities;
• Secure adequate funding for newspapers in Burgenland-Croatian, Hungarian and Slovenian (Council of Europe, 2018).

In the 2021 report (MIN-LANG(2023)2) the Committee still found no consistent and sufficient use of minority languages before Austrian courts and in administration proceedings. Slovenian remains the only minority language in Austria used in the judiciary to some extent and has a stronger presence in administration in comparison to other minority languages in Austria.  However, the number of courts where Slovenian can be used is low and does not cover the whole area where Slovenian is traditionally spoken. There is also a lack of bilingual staff in courts. (Council of Europe, 2023). There have also been no further improvements regarding education in the Slovenian language, history and cultural heritage in Austrian schools. The Committee gave to Austria the following recommendations for immediate action:

• Strengthen the use of Slovenian in administration in practice, including the publication of documents, in particular at the local level;
• Promote awareness throughout Austria of the Slovenian language and culture as an integral part of the cultural heritage of Austria in education and in the media (Council of Europe, 2023). 

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN ITALY 

The Slovenian national minority in Italy is well organised and characterised by a lively social life. Over the past decades, Slovenes have already succeeded in electing several representatives to the Italian Parliament and  the Regional Council of Friuli-Venezia Giulia, as well asin electing many mayors and members of municipal and district councils. Despite everything mentioned, any election is uncertain because Slovenes in Italy do not have guaranteed political representation as a minority. All efforts, such as the decades-long negotiations between political representatives of the Slovenian minority and the Italian government for the adoption of the State Act on the Protection of the Slovene Language Minority in the Friuli-Julian Region no. 38 of 23 February 2001, which could finally include guaranteed political participation of the Slovenian minority, but did not, have so far been unsuccessful (Žagar, 2021) (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024b).

For the preservation of the Slovenian national minority in Italy, education in the Slovene language is of great importance. There is a network of Slovenian monolingual kindergartens, elementary schools, and lower and upper secondary schools in Trieste and Gorizia. The only school in Udine where classes are taught also in the Slovenian language is the bilingual Slovenian-Italian educational centre of Pavel Petričič in Špet. The lack of Slovenian in schools in Kanalska dolina, Rezia and Terska dolina is being mitigated with Slovene language courses for children and adults (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024b).

The media and publishing houses, which regularly publish and broadcast content in the Slovenian language, play an important role in preserving Slovenian language and identity. The main newspapers are Primorski dnevnik, Novi glas, Novi Matajur, Dom and Mladika, as well as several youth magazines and newsletters being regularly published. Concerning radio and TV, Radio Trieste broadcasts daily in the Slovenian language, and RAI (Italian national radio-television) broadcasts daily for one hour in Slovenian language on television as well (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024b).

After World War I, Italy faced severe financial and economic challenges despite being considered one of the war victors. The annexation of Slovenian territories, Primorska and Notranjska, under the London memorandum, contributed to Italy’s internal instability. The rise of fascism, fuelled by dissatisfaction and social unrest, targeted minority groups, including Slovenians and Croats. The burning of the Slovenian National House (Slovenski narodni dom) in Trieste in July 1920 symbolised fascist aggression and facilitated Mussolini’s ascent to power. Under Mussolini’s regime, the Slovenian language and schools were banned, and forced assimilation measures were imposed, leading to the formation of anti-fascist movements like TIGR (an abbreviation for the names of Trieste/Trst, Istria/Istra, Gorizia/Gorica and Reka/Rijeka) which was a revolutionary underground organisation of Slovenian and Croatian patriots, nationalists and, above all, anti-fascists (RTV SLO, 2022). Despite Mussolini’s downfall in 1943, Italy’s failure to address its fascist past effectively enabled the resurgence of neo-fascist groups (Svenšek, 2022).

While the Italian Constitution formally prohibits fascism, it allows the existence of neo-fascist political parties. In the 2022 Italian elections, the right-wing coalition, composed of parties The League (Lega), Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia), and Forward Italy (Forza Italia), secured the majority of parliamentary seats, marking the establishment of the most extreme right-wing coalition since World War II. The Brothers of Italy, with ties to Italian fascism, is led by Giorgia Meloni, now Italy’s prime minister. Despite her current stance that fascism belongs to the past, its influence persists within Italian politics. The major factor for the minority’s concern for the raise of fascism in Italy is, that the fascist’s first attacks on Slovenian minority happened in 1920, with a violent and brutal attack on Slovenian national house and other Slovenian, Serbian and Croatian institutions residing in Trieste that have resulted in the complete burning of the Slovenian national house and in multiple deaths. Nobody was arrested or tried for these violent attacks (Jan, 2020). The political success of the Brothers of Italy has consequently raised concerns among members of the Slovenian minority due to the coalition party’s stance on minority rights, and particularly their opposition to the establishment of Slovenian kindergartens in Trieste’s city centre.

Additionally, Roberto Menia, now a Ligurian Senator, has a history of opposing the Slovenian minority and supporting legislation that undermines their interests, such as the Law on remembrance of victims of foiba and exodus from 2004 (Svenšek, 2022). This Law, enacted by Italy’s right-wing government exploited the traumatic memories of Italians and established the Commemoration day for victims of foiba and Italian emigration from Istria, Rijeka and Dalmatia, due to Slovenia’s accession to the European Union in 2004. The chosen date for the Commemoration Day, February 10, is controversial, as it lacks a direct connection to the exodus/emigration and seems intended to highlight the “unfairness” of the Paris Peace Treaty, which guarantees Slovenian minority rights in Italy and had established the border between Slovenia (then Yugoslavia) and Italy. Date 10 February 1947 marks the day of Italy’s signature of the Paris Peace Treaty, however, the Italian emigration from Istria, Rijeka and Dalmatia began before the Paris Peace Treaty was even signed. The date of the Commemoration day is particularly contentious as it falls shortly after the International Holocaust Remembrance Day (January 27), especially as Italian right-wing politicians draw implicit comparisons between Jewish suffering under Nazi-fascism and that of Istrian Italians (Corni, 2018:77-78) (Ballinger, 2015:157). The Commemoration Day reinforces the belief that Italians were victims of World War II, a sentiment echoed in political speeches like Antonio Tajani’s 2019 address at Basoviza/Bazovica memorial, which caused outrage among Slovenians and Croatians (Barigazzi, 2019) (Šuklje, 2019). Even left-wing politician Giorgio Napolitano has made several problematic speeches on “Slavic expansionism,” neglecting the twenty-year fascist violence against Slovenians and Croatians, starting in 1919. According to Italy’s current political viewpoint, these historical events can only be read in the context of the Italian battle with the “Slavic enemy”. This is especially important as during the fascist era, the expression Slavi (also Sclavi/Schiavi) took on a negative and humiliating, but also unmistakably racist meaning (Hrobat Virloget, 2021:49-50) (Fikfak, 2009) (Orlić, 2015).

Meloni has made further controversial statements, for example expressing disappointment over the return of the National House of Slovenians in Trieste back to the Slovenian minority (Svenšek, 2022). Furthermore, recently adopted actions of the Italian Ministry of Education will limit access to education in the Slovene language in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, even though only the mentioned region itself has the competence to adopt legislation regarding education (RTV SLO, 2023).

The Council of Europe Committee of Ministers Resolution CM/ResCMN(2023)4, dated April 5 2023, issued recommendations to Italy for full compliance with the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. These recommendations include:

• Improving the efficiency of mechanisms supporting minority languages and cultures, simplifying grant procedures, and ensuring timely processing of grant allocation demands;
• Increasing access to radio and television programs in minority languages, particularly for smaller linguistic groups;
• Developing digital solutions and future RAI Service Contracts in consultation with minority representatives and ensuring their effective representation in media monitoring mechanisms;
• Providing qualified teachers for minority languages and supporting their training and recruitment, with attention to the needs of smaller minorities (Council of Europe, Committee of Ministers, 2023).

Further recommendations to the Italian government include:

• Promptly and publicly condemning instances of hate crimes and hate speech against minorities, migrants, or refugees;
• Establishing linguistic helpdesks in all relevant municipalities with adequate resources and raising awareness about their services;
• Ensuring correct spelling of surnames and first names for members of the Slovene minority;
• Providing adequate funding for minority language education, including teaching materials and support for cultural and language centers and associations (Council of Europe, Committee of Ministers, 2023).

SLOVENIAN MINORITY IN HUNGARY 

Since 2011, Hungary’s constitutional law has allowed Slovenes to elect their representative without the voting rights to the Hungarian Parliament and has granted political participation. This means that their representative can participate in the parliamentary discussions within the Hungarian parliament, but cannot cast a parliamentary vote as a full member of the Hungarian parliament. Slovenes may now elect their own »advocate«, while with more votes and through ordinary elections, they can elect a full member of the Hungarian parliament. The law also establishes self-government for nationalities, with Slovenes organised into the State Slovenian Self-Government at national and local levels (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024c).

In Porabje (Hungarian: Rábavidék), the Union of Slovenes in Hungary coordinates 17 cultural societies. The region has four Slovenian kindergartens and two bilingual primary schools, and lovenian language classes are optionally offered in several educational institutions. The Jožef Kosič Bilingual Primary School oversees these educational facilities. Additionally, Porabje has its weekly newspaper called Porabje, along with Radio Monošter and the weekly television program Slovenski utrinki, which cater to the Slovenian community (Government Office for Slovenians Abroad, 2024c).

Analysis of the last two Hungarian population censuses indicates a decline in the number of individuals identifying Slovenian as their mother tongue. In 2001, 3,180 inhabitants reported Slovenian as their mother tongue, decreasing to 1,723 in 2011. Similarly, those identifying themself as Slovenes decreased from 3,025 to 2,385 over the same period. This decline is reflected in the diminishing presence of the unique Porabian Slovene dialect. One of the reasons for the low number of people identifying as Slovenians is that despite their historical ties, Porabian Slovenes have never constituted a singular, united community with other Slovenes. Even during the Austro-Hungarian Empire, they were part of Hungary (and not Austria as the majority of Slovenes) (Svenšek, 2019). The newest census conducted in 2023 has established that 3,965 people have declared themselves as Slovenes, showing an increase in the number of total Slovene population in Porabje (Peček, 2023).

After World War I, the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire led to the establishment of the new European borders, defined by the Treaty of Trianon. This treaty defined the new border between Hungary and the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes along the confluence of the Raba and Mura rivers. This division separated around 6,000 Slovenes into what is now known as Porabje. Despite their economic and administrative centre in Monoštr/Szentgotthárd, predominantly Hungarian, Porabje villages remained isolated from the rest of Hungary. Between the two world wars, it was tough to enforce any minority protection of the minority in this territory. The region’s infertile land led many to emigrate (Svenšek, 2019).

During World War II, Porabian Slovenes served as Hungarian soldiers, only to find themselves back within Hungary’s borders after the newly signed peace treaties. Post-war Yugoslavia and communist Hungary established close relations, allowing the formation of the Democratic Union of Southern Slavs in Hungary. In those years, Hungarian authorities organised courses for ethnic teachers of South Slavic languages. But everything changed after the Informbiro period dispute between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1948. The dispute led Porabian Slovenes to align with Hungary’s Workers’ Party which did not grant them the same rights as after World War II (Svenšek, 2019).

A dark and difficult period began for ethnic minorities in Hungary. Private land ownership spared much of the Porabje region from general collectivisation, yet landowners were targeted after 1950, with many deported to labour camps in eastern Hungary, accused of being Josip Broz-Tito (Yugoslavia’s president) agents. The concept of the “iron curtain”, became a reality along the Yugoslav-Hungarian border, marked by barbed wire fences, minefields, and strict control zones. Porabje villages were also affected, with a border zone established, requiring special permits for entry. Some Porabian Slovenes defected to Yugoslavia. The Budapest revolution of 23 October 1956 briefly opened borders to the West, also leading to a significant population decline in Porabje, which lost 10-12% of its population. Despite aspirations for freedom, Porabje remained isolated, preserving its social structure, traditional lifestyle, and Slovene language (Svenšek, 2019).

In the 1970s, conditions improved, allowing Slovenian residents to pursue studies at Slovenian universities. However, the newfound freedoms after 1989 hastened the assimilation of the small Slovenian community. Despite efforts by Porabian Slovenes in the 1990s to preserve the Slovenian language, identity, and cultural heritage, their traditions are diminishing across generations. Formal education of Slovene was introduced in schools in 1991, a novelty for Porabian Slovenes due to their historical isolation (Hozjan, 2021, 295-296). Consequently, the members of this minority group note the linguistic gap between different generations. The older generation speaks Porabian Slovene, while the middle generation learned mostly formal Slovenian at school but did not fully grasp it. Meanwhile, the younger generation, less influenced by the Slovenian language, faces challenges as learning Slovene may not lead to job opportunities, unlike German, which is in high demand. This is confirmed by the trend of youth from this region in Hungary and Slovenia migrating to Austria for economic and other reasons (Svenšek, 2019).

In recent years, Dušan Mukič, Historian, journalist and editor-in-chief of the Slovenski utrinki program on Hungarian national television, highlighted significant shifts in Hungarian state policy towards ethnic communities. For instance, financial support for thirteen local nationalities, including the Slovenian one, has nearly quadrupled, and previously stalled projects have been realised. Furthermore, bilingual primary schools, three kindergartens, Radio Monošter, and the newspaper Slovenska zbirka, all managed by the Slovenian minority’s Self-Government, now receive consistent funding from the Hungarian government. Restoration efforts are adequately funded, and national representatives hold considerable influence with the Hungarian state (Svenšek, 2019). Ethnic organisations from Porabje are also active, establishing contacts with the neighbouring Prekmurje region in Slovenia. However, all this is not enough to hold the young generation within the region. 

The younger generation wishes for an economic breakthrough to prevent further emigration of youth from Porabje, since skilled professionals in this part of Hungary are crucial for the community’s development. The ongoing Development Program for Slovenian Porabje is a vital initiative to modernise the local economy and stem youth emigration. However, the Slovenian language must not be neglected to boost the local economy. It must be nurtured alongside economic endeavours. Marijana Sukič, ex-editor in chief of Porabje newspaper advocates for granting economic value to the Slovenian language in Porabje. She suggests that proficiency in Slovenian should enhance job prospects within Slovenian companies, thus promoting linguistic revitalisation (Svenšek, 2019).

The Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers’s Resolution CM/ResCMN(2021)8 concerning the implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in Hungary has y), underscored the need for immediate action for all minorities residing within Hungary. This includes promoting tolerance, intercultural dialogue, and respect for cultural identity among all residents, particularly minorities, in both private and public spheres. The resolution also condemns racist or intolerant language, especially in political discourse and media, and calls for enhanced efforts to identify, investigate, and prosecute hate crimes and hate speech (Council of Europe, 2021).

Further measures outlined in the resolution include: 

• Adopting a flexible approach to the Convention’s application and engaging in regular dialogue with interested parties.
• Awareness-raising campaigns among minority groups ahead of the 2021 census were recommended to ensure informed and voluntary participation of all citizens.
• Strengthening of the communication resources and staffing for the Equal Treatment Authority of the Republic of Hungary was also highlighted to address discrimination effectively, including among vulnerable minority members. 

Additionally, the Committee highlighted the importance of:

• Empowering the Deputy Commissioner for Fundamental Rights to investigate discrimination cases independently and propose remedial actions, as well as a
• Comprehensive plan to revitalise and promote minority language usage in public settings, with input from minority organisations. 
• Adjusting fund allocation methods for minority self-governments to better reflect minority population proportions was also suggested (Council of Europe, 2021).

CONCLUSIONS

The historical, sociological, and geographical factors shaping Slovenia’s borders after both World Wars have left many Slovenians residing outside their state. The protection of Slovenian minority rights has long been a challenge, facing various complexities. However, through international and regional mechanisms, even a small nation like Slovenia has been able to advocate for the rights of its nationals living as autonomous minorities in other states.

Through time Slovenian minorities are gaining political, cultural, and economic influence. Monitoring mechanisms and avenues such as EU petitions enable these communities to voice their concerns and seek enhanced protection, even at the EU and Council of Europe levels. This proactive approach prevents the erosion of minority rights and facilitates collaborative problem-solving for both the minority communities and the member states of the EU and Council of Europe. Bilateral agreements between Slovenia (and before that Yugoslavia), and other states in the past often proved ineffective. However, Slovenia’s independence in 1991 and accession to the EU in 2004 have elevated Slovenia’s role as a contracting party to universal and regional international treaties. This has granted Slovenia additional obligations and rights to protect its minority populations abroad and for Slovenia’s neighbouring states as well. This underscores the importance of multilateralism in safeguarding minority rights, particularly for smaller states.

On the other hand, it is visible that the level of minority protection is still highly dependent on the political will of the ruling political parties within the state. For example, the Slovenian minority in Italy felt safer before the current right-wing political government. At the same time, it is clear that the Slovenian minority in Austria feels less threatened and that they enjoy more minority rights under the ruling of the current governor of Carinthia in comparison to its previous governor, Jörg Heider (FPÖ). However, this does not apply to the Slovenian minority in Hungary. Even though Hungary is led by Fidesz, a right-wing populist and national-conservative party, led by Viktor Orbán, the Slovenian minority enjoys more rights and a higher level of protection than ever before, even though the minority itself is not recognised as such in the Hungarian constitution (International Viewpoint, 2022). However, this may be because the population of the Slovenian minority in Porabje is small (in comparison to Roma, German, Romanian and other nationalities residing within Hungary), is territorially limited and does not pose any threat to the Hungarians and due to the fact that good relations between Hungary and Slovenia are important for Hungary as the state uses Slovenian port in Koper as its access to the sea (Ifimes, 2022) (Yupsanis, 2019:11-12). Besides that, Hungary is through their minority politics supposedly pushing for greater protection for Hungarians abroad in states of its officially recognised minorities and have the opportunity to ‘legitimately’ ask for reciprocal treatment for the Hungarian minorities in case their minority rights are not respected on the same or higher level in comparison to Hungary (Yupsanis, 2019:13).

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